Shanstate Tai

Kengtung

2008-08-06T00:20:00.002+07:00

The Tai here call themselves Khün; their speech contains many variations from the western Shan, and their script is entirely different।

A village in northern Shan State.

Most of the Khuns for example would adopt Thai names, in the wats of Kengtong one would find the monks chanting their daily prayers exactly the same way as if anywhere in Thailand. The Thais have always felt Kengtung to be a part of their old country.

han State borders China to the north, Laos to the east, and Thailand to the south. It also shares borders with five administrative divisions of Myanmar. Shan State covers 155,800 km², almost a quarter of the total area of Myanmar.

Most of the Shan State is a hilly plateau; there are higher mountains in the north and south. The gorge of the Thanlwin (Salween) River cuts across the state. The famous Inle Lake where the leg-rowing Intha people live in floating villages, in the great Nyaung Shwe 'plain', is the second largest natural expanse of water in Myanmar, shallow but 14 miles long and 7 miles wide. Pindaya Caves near Aungban are vast limestone caves which contain 6226 Buddha images.^[3]

The road to Taunggyi via Kalaw and Aungban branches off at Thazi from the main Yangon-Mandalay Road; another road via Ywa Ngan and Pindaya branches off from Kyaukse south of Mandalay. The railhead stops short of Taunggyi at Shwenyaung, again from Thazi junction, and nearby Heho has an airport.

Shan

2008-02-22T20:29:00.002+07:00

Shans reside in the Eastern plateau. The Shan State of Myanmar occupy principally the plateau east of the Ayeyawady and Sittaung valleys, south of the Bhamo district and north of Kayah State.Shan are settling in valleys and river basins. Most of the Danu, Taungyoe, Intha (Ansa), and Bamar are living in the western part of the Shan State. A lot of Palaung.

(Taahn) are usually found in the northern partof the State, especially at Namsam Town, and can also be found in Pindaya, Yatsauk and Maingkaing Townships. Paos are settling in the sourthern part of Shan State, whereas Kachin and Lisu (Lishaw) in the north,Kokant Tayok in the Kokant region, Wa (Lweila) in Hopan Township which is situated in the east of Thanlwin river. E-Kaw (Akha), Lahu reside in Kyaingtong region.
Most of the population are Buddhists, Islam, Christianity and Hinduism religions are present। Myanmar language is spoken widely and local nationalities dialect are also spoken.

The Shan are the second largest ethnic group in Myanmar after the Bamar. They live mainly in Shan State , which is the biggest state in Myanmar with a population of over 4 million, and is a melting pot of over 35 races and tribes.

Most Shans are valley-dwellers। They were among the first migrants into the area and are thought to have come from Yunnan , south-west China , where related Tai peoples still live. One division of Shans migrated south to the Menam valley and became known as the Siamese or Thais, while others remained in Myanmar or moved into Laos .

tai

2008-02-01T03:49:00.000+07:00

Thai

Thailand

Thailand has been urged to better address the plight of hundreds of thousands of people who have fled persecution from neighbouring countries by providing them with shelter similar to the nine camps for Burmese refugees along the Thai-Burmese border. The call was made by human rights activists speaking at yesterday's launch of the World Refugee Survey 2006 by the US Committee for Refugees and Immigrants (USCRI).( Tailand )

Myanmar

Imported food safety a program

July 30, 2007—Burma's government has said it cannot ensure all imported food and medicine is safe, amid growing international concerns about the safety of products from its giant neighbor, China.

Burma is flooded with Chinese goods—legally imported and smuggled across a porous border—and traders say many are substandard if not harmful.

But the impoverished country's Food and Drug Administration, or FDA, said it does not have enough resources to control the quality of all imported products, according to a report on Sunday in The Myanmar Times, a weekly English-language newspaper.

"The FDA currently has only 100 staff, which is not enough to carry out strict monitoring processes to ensure the safety of the 50 million people," the agency's director, Dr Kyaw Lin, told The Myanmar Times.

Nevertheless the FDA's responsibilities will soon be expanded to include screening cosmetics, consumer goods and medical equipment, the newspaper cited Kyaw Lin as saying.

Burma imported nearly US $1 billion worth of Chinese products in fiscal 2005-2006, while an unknown amount of goods cross the border from its giant northeastern neighbor.

Last week China's Premier Wen Jiabao ordered food and drug safety bodies to make product quality a top priority after a series of scandals involving tainted food and drugs led to the recall or rejection of a slew of Chinese exports around the world.

Chinese officials, initially reluctant to acknowledge the problem, have vowed more stringent surveillance and a crackdown on the country's countless small, unregulated producers.

According to Burmese traders, who spoke to The Associated Press on condition of anonymity because they feared reprisals from the country's repressive government, Chinese imports to Burma are cheaper but of a lower standard than the products China exports to the US and Europe.

The Myanmar Times said China is the fourth biggest supplier of legal pharmaceuticals to Burma behind India, Indonesia and Bangladesh—but that unregulated drugs also cross the border illegally.

Dr Maung Maung Lay, chairman of the Myanmar Pharmaceuticals and Medical Equipment Entrepreneurs Association, told the weekly that 10 to 15 percent of the pharmaceuticals available in the country are fake or flawed.

But poverty and a lack of awareness of the dangers of substandard or cheap medicine means the people of Burma continue to buy Chinese pharmaceuticals.

"People are not educated enough to differentiate between a cheap drug and an expensive but potent one. Another reason why people go for cheaper medicine is because they are poor," a drug shop owner commented.

26 May 2007
^{Shwe Mann}
Gen Shwe Mann, junta's # 3 man, hospitalized in Singapore because of "dysentery." (Burma Herald/ DVB)

31 May 2007

Month-long Free Suu Kyi campaign ends with pray meetings in Taunggyi and Chauk. (DVB)

29 May 2007
^{Aung San Suu Kyi}
Foreign ministers from Asia and Europe meeting in Hamburg calls on Burma to lift restrictions placed on political parties and release those under detention including Aung San Suu Kyi. It also "encourages" Burma for an inclusive dialogue that will involve all political parties and ethnic groups. (DPA)

Thai-Burma Relations
10-12 May 2007

Thai and junta generals hold Regional Border Committee meeting # 24 in Moulmein. No details disclosed. (New Light of Myanmar/SHAN)

Thu 19 Jul 2007

Myanmar’s military government opened Wednesday what it says will be the final session of a national convention aimed at completing a process launched 14 years ago to draw up guidelines for a new constitution.

Critics call the proceedings a sham because the junta hand-picked most of the delegates and because pro-democracy leader Aung San Suu Kyi currently under house arrest cannot attend.

The meeting aims to complete the first stage of what the junta has called a seven-step “road map” to democracy that is supposed to culminate in free elections, although no timetable has been announced.

In his opening speech, Lt. Gen. Thein Sein, the acting prime minister, called the convention the most important part of the road map, and urged delegates not to try to amend points previously agreed to.

“Since this is the last session, delegates are asked to review the principles … without deviating from the already agreed guidelines,” he said.

Thein Sein, also the chairman of the National Convention Convening Commission, said most of the population supports the convention, but that a small “negative-looking group” opposes it.

He warned that legal action will be taken against anyone who tries to derail the process.

The convention, meeting after a seven-month hiatus, could take about a month and a half to complete, Information Minister Brig. Gen. Kyaw Hsan said.

More than 1,000 delegates from across the country gathered at the Nyaung-Hna-Pin convention center, about 25 miles north of the commercial capital Yangon, for the meeting.

Myanmar, formerly called Burma, has been without a constitution since 1988, when the current junta took power and suspended a 1974 charter.

The guidelines set by the national convention are to be used in writing a new constitution, but the junta has not publicly said who will draft the charter.

Suu Kyi’s party, the National League for Democracy, has boycotted the convention to protest her continued detention and that of other NLD leaders.

The final session is to adopt guidelines for the remaining seven of the constitution’s 15 chapters, and make some changes to previously approved parts.

“The government did not make it clear what changes will be made, but we view this as a positive move,” Han Tha Myint, an NLD spokesman, told The Associated Press on Tuesday, referring to the planned completion of the first stage of the roadmap.

Han Tha said the party has asked the government to amend some of the constitution’s 104 basic principles and six objectives, one of which guarantees a major role for the military in Myanmar’s political future.

Some critics say the finished document is not likely to usher in promised democratic reforms or protect the rights of minority groups. Other critics say the whole process has been a stalling strategy to prolong the junta’s grip on power.

Ethnic minority groups have complained the adopted principles would give the central government greater powers, even though their delegates have demanded equal rights and greater administrative and judicial powers. Many minorities have been seeking greater autonomy for decades.

In all, 17 armed ethnic minority rebel groups have reached cease-fire agreements with the junta since 1989. Some surrendered their arms, but a few kept their weapons to take care of their area’s security.

Most of the groups had asked the government to allow them to keep their armed units as a police or guard force, but the point has not yet been addressed in the charter guidelines.

“We have to wait and see the outcome of the National Convention. We have requested the government to make appropriate arrangements for our soldiers, but the role of our armed group is not yet clear under the new constitution,” said Naing Tin Hla, a member of the New Mon State Party who is attending the convention as an observer.

The junta first convened the convention in 1993, but aborted it in 1996 after NLD delegates walked out saying it was undemocratic and that the military was manipulating the proceedings. The process was resurrected in 2004.

Suu Kyi, a Nobel Peace Prize laureate, has been in prison or under house arrest for more than 12 of the past 18 years.

The Burmese Ministry of Culture’s historical research department will sue a Rangoon based Burmese journal Weekly Eleven for a report it published, which ironically has been scrutinized and passed by the censorship board.

The report, published in December 2006, criticized tour agencies for serving dinner on the ruins of the temples of Pagan, one of Burma’s major tourism spots, to attract tourists.

Despite the Burmese censorship board, which is infamous for censoring any writing against the government, passing the report, the Burmese Cultural Ministry’s historical research department is taking the journal to court.

A court in Tarmyaw Township has summoned the journal’s editor to appear before the court on July 30.

However, the charges against the journal remain undisclosed and will only be revealed in court, sources close to the journal said.

A senior editor of a Rangoon based magazine told Mizzima that the journal cannot be faulted for publishing the report as it was thoroughly checked and passed by the Burmese censorship board.

“In literary society, everything goes to the censorship board for review and only with their permission can anything be published. We all do the same thing. We have to send everything to the censorship board. So, it’s not the fault of the journal. The censorship board is there to filter it,” he said.

“We all have to go through the steps the censorship board has laid down and only after that can we publish. So, we are not at fault. But it would be different if we publish without permission. It is difficult to understand why the journal is being sued as it has published the write up only after the board permitted it,” he added. ( Tailand )

S.S.A news

SSA burns 1.1 million speed pills

The Shan State Army (SSA) South held its third drug bonfire at Loi Kawwan base, opposite Chiangrai at 11:00 this morning.

The ceremony was presided over by Col Yawdserk, the SSA boss, and witnessed by a number of foreign media including The Nation, Bangkok Post and TiTV. The SSA is ready to cooperate with Burma’s military junta in the field of drug suppression, he said, as he put the torch to 1.1 million methamphetamine pills, priced at Baht 38.5 million( $ 1 million) on the Thai-Burma border.

The pills were reportedly seized from the pro-junta militia led by Ja Seu-bo.

^{Image: S.H.A.N.}

Shans/ Shan State
21 May 2007
^{Col Yawdserk}
Delegates from the Burmese junta and the Shan State Army will be meeting on 23 May over a ceasefire plan, says SSA leader Yawdserk. (The Nation)

Shans/ Shan State
18 May 2007

Shan State Army (SSA) says it will be marking the 49th anniversary of Shan Resistance at its Loi Taileng base, opposite Maehongson on Monday, 21 May. (SHAN)

Another exercise in piecing the Burma jigsaw together

2008-01-30T22:06:00.000+07:00

At last, I have read it. And I have to congratulate Sao Sanda Simms, the eldest daughter of Prince Sao Shwe Thaike (1896-1962) of Yawnghwe who was the first President of Burma (1948-1952), for giving us such a reading pleasure.

Published and distributed in Thailand by Rivers Books Co.Ltd Price quotes: B500-595

Because memoirs, as we all know, are always livelier and more fascinating than most history books, which tend to be straightforward and dull.

For the first thing, she remembers well despite her age (80 on 20 October 2008). Scenes described during her childhood days especially the annual Phaung Daw U festival on the Inle lake, the thrilling gambling dens with 4 animal games and 36 animal games and her life as an apprentice weaver were vivid and superb.

Inevitably, her account is about Burma and why and how it is languishing in “the present complicated political situation.” And for every topic, she does speak her mind.
Samples:

“I have heard that today some hoteliers and those in the tourism industry are exploiting the ethnic Padaung. It seems totally unacceptable that one’s compatriots could be put into compounds for tourists to gape it.” (P.85)
“Regarding the debate as to whether one should visit Burma,” she says, “my feeling is that is undoubtedly better for tourists to go and to have seen something of the country and its people, rather than not to have been there at all.”(P.277)

It is not any wonder she is also severe in her judgment of both the British, the Shan’s past masters, and the Burman leaders, their present masters:

Blamed by the Burman leaders of their Divide and Rule separation of Shans and other non-Burman peoples from the lowland Burmans, and “any existing animosity between the Burman and the Shan,” “The British however had a long-term plan for the amalgamation of the Shan States and the Frontier Areas, with Burma Proper. Although the British government was conscious that the ethnic nationalities were content to remain within the Dominion, it felt it had to convince them that joining with Burma Proper was in their best interest when independence came.” (P.278)

In its policy statement to Parliament in May 1945, the Secretary of State for Burma also declared that: “The administration of the Scheduled Areas, that is the Shan States and the tribal areas in the mountainous fringes of the country inhabited by peoples differing in language, social customs and degree of political development from the Burmans inhabiting the central areas, would for the time being be subject to a special regime under the Governor until such time as their inhabitants signify their desire for some suitable form of amalgamation of their territories with Burma proper.” (P.158)

Thus even though the Aung San-Atlee Agreement, signed on 27 January 1947, a week before the Panglong Conference, stipulated that inclusion of the frontier peoples depended on the “free consent” of those effected, “it is pretty clear that the British was not prepared to take no for an answer from the frontier areas,” she says quoting F.S.V. Donnison, who wrote Burma (1970).

Indeed, though the post-war Labor Government sent a Frontier Areas Committee of Enquiry (FACE), led by D.R.Rees-Williams, to feel out the hill peoples, as non-Burman ethnic nationalities were known in those days, “the whole issue had been prejudged under the Attlee-Aung San Agreement,” according to Hugh Tinker.

This was in spite of the fact that many knowledgeable Burma hands like HNC Stevenson were convinced that the country was not yet ready for independence. Burma was made up of diverse communities with different interests and with differing degrees of political development. “However, despite being aware of the disparity between the different groups, it appears that the British did little to seriously resolve this problem,” she says. (P.42) With regards to the Aung San-Attlee Agreement and the overall discussion on the granting of independence, she remarks that “the British had only made a half-hearted attempt to accommodate the demands of the ethnic nationalities within the future framework of the Union of Burma, with no safeguards provided.” (P.238)

The heart of the matter was that the Attlee Government was also in a hurry to dismantle the British Empire where the sun had never set. Which paved the way for today’s chaos. “I remember many old British Burma hands saying that ‘Burma had been given a raw deal,’” she writes.

She ends her memoirs with a quotation form her late younger brother Chao Tzang Yawnghwe (1939-2004), “The time has come for Burma’s leaders, both in Rangoon and jungle headquarters to re-think seriously and practically their ambitions, and prejudices. For much too long, the people of the Union of Burma have been entrapped in a politics of violence. All efforts must be undertaken to break the vicious cycle which has made the Burman(or Burmese), Shan, Mon, Karen, Karenni, Kachin, Chin and Arakanese, pitiable victims of war and violence.” (P.279)

All in all, a thought-provoking book. After all, nobody lives forever. So why the big fuss about nothings like becoming top dogs, and to Burmanize (or even Shanize) and subdue other peoples.

Tai New Year:

2008-01-29T15:04:00.000+07:00

Tai New Year:

How, Not If We Have It

Introduction

Tai is a big family in the Mongoloid race consisting of “four major geographical groups associated with six rivers” [1]: the Chao Phraya, the Mekong, Salween and the Black and Red rivers in Vietnam and Brhamaputra River in India. Around 80 million people in Asia speak some variation of the Tai language.

Today Tais, mainly the Tais of Shan State, celebrate 2096th New Year with religious and social significance. How and when did the Tai lunar year begin is a question increasingly asked among the Tais as we attempt to find the root of our culture to justify our place in modern world. It is this important question that this short paper intends to take as a point to begin with in our inevitably long search of cultural history.

Mythical Nature of Calendar

Before embarking on what is largely theoretical propositions, I may call your attention to the nature of controversy around most of the calendars in the world. Myths and novelty are often associated with the beginning of a calendar. Look at the Buddhist, Christ and Burmese calendar, to take some familiar ones as examples. The Buddhist calendar began by the death of the historical Buddha, Gotama. There is a disagreement between southern and northern Buddhists as to the exact date of his mahaparinibbana (demise), although western scholars believe it to be 486 BC or even 386 BC[2]. Nonetheless, they all agree roughly that the Buddhist era if commenced by the death of the Buddha, probably started in the 5th BC. The Christian year is supposed to have started the year Jesus was born. The anno domini, AD, or the year of Our Lord is a confused one as most scholars now agree that Jesus was actually born much later than that date. What more! when the Eastern Orthodox Christians, the Russians and Greeks celebrate Christmas, the Birthday of Jesus in February in stead of 25th December. The Burmese believe their year, adopted from Sakra-year of the northern Indian tradition, started from the grandfather of the Lord Buddha, Anchana. The beginning of the Sakra and the modification of the Burmese era during the Pagan period bear almost no relationship from ethnologically. This and the incompatibility of Burmese culture with the adopted Sakra year were some of the reasons that Bodawpaya (1778-1819) attempted to create a pure Burmese calendar called Pondaw calendar. Due to strong opposition from the monastic Order, Bodawpaya gave it up after a few years. The Pondaw has been studied in recent years by Dr. Yin Yin and Dr. Than Tun.[3] Despite myths often associated with calendars it is clear that calendar has been in use at least during the time of the Buddha as witnessed in some Buddhist scriptures.

How, Not If

My arguments in the following paragraphs will be that Tais have had and in deed used their own calendar as early as the first century BC. While the circumstances surrounding the of Tai calendar will still remain obscure at the end of arguments, I expect at the end of my arguments the question among us to clearly shift from if we had a lunar calendar of our own to what were the socio-political and cultural milieu in which the Tai lunar calendar emerged.

Since the end of the World War II, some scholarly attention has been given to study of social organisation of Tais: Hansheng Chon’s academic enquiry on the issue culminating in his work “Frontier land Systems in Southernmost China: A Comparative Study of Agrarian problems and Social organisation among Pai Yi (Tai) people of Yunnan and the Kamba people of Sikang” (Institute of pacific Studies, New York, 1949), P. Gogai’s The Tai and The Tai Kingdoms”, Gauhati University, 1969, a collective work of scholars at the Department of Linguistics, Australian National University, Canberra entitled “Tai Studies in Honour of William J. Gedney, T. W. Gelling and Nguyen Dan Liem, 1979, Lu-fan Chen’s “When Came the Tai Race?”, Taiwan, 1990 are some of the well known works we take pride in mentioning them here.
The Shan State is a high plateau with an elevation of 5,000-6,000 feet above sea level. It is covered with dense evergreen forests, pine, streams, rivers and waterfalls making the country a natural and beautiful land. It lies at an average of 3,000 to 4,000 feet above sea level and the highest point is Mount Loilaeng (8,777 ft ) in Mong Yai, Loi Parng Nao (8,408 ft ) in Kentung, Loi tzang (8,129 ft) in Mong Kung township.

The Salween ( Nam Khong in Shan) River is the principal river of the Shan State. It has its source in the Tibetan Himalayas and flows southwards through China and enters the Shan State, dividing it into two parts, then passes the Karenni state, Karen State and Mon State finally joining the Indian Ocean at the Gulf of Martaban near the town of Moulmein. Many tributaries of the Salween, such as the Nam Taeng, Nam Parng and Nam Nim all enter the Salween near the Town of Kun Hing (Kun Haeng: thousand islets) where many islets by the hundreds are formed. In the east there are the Nam Ma, Nam Kha and Nam Sim which flow into the Salween. The Mekong ( Nam Khawng in Shan) serves as the boundary between Laos and the Shan State for a length of 120 miles, then flows through Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam into the Gulf of Thailand.

Three factors will cited here to support our proposition that Tais might have used their own calendar in their heydays: the first relates to the fact that the Tais were seen by the Chinese as a threat long before the birth of Christ and century-long wars between the two consequently ensued. An early book of Chinese history recorded the Tais, Bai Yues (Pai Yi), as people with different surnames dispersed over vast areas from Jiao Zhi (Hanoi region, Vietnam) to Hui Ji (Shao Xin, Zheing Province, China). In fact, as early as Han dynasty, the forerunners of the Tais (Dais) were already noted in Chinese records (206 BC) under the name of Dian Yue, who lived over large areas in the south and west of Yunnan. This fact indicates how highly Tai socio-cultural organization might have been so as to merit rivalry of the now one of the most powerful cultures. (Another rival of the Chinese, the Tibetans, seen by Beijing for centuries up to the present as culturally too strong to be assimilated, had also developed culturally long before Buddhism arrived in their homeland in the 7 AD. Indeed, Buddhism had had to make enormous comprise with the existing culture in order to take root in Tibet.) While easy access to India and the hostile geographical conditions may have saved the Tibetans until relatively a recent time, the Tais who developed culture of farming and agriculture so successfully in the plain might have become a reason for the Chinese to consider us as their immediate foes.

Second, evidence to our hypothesis comes from the Tais of Ahom who founded a Tai kingdom in Assam since 13th century and ruled continuously for six hundred years (1228-1826 AD[4]). Tai Ahoms posses a diverse range of literature, including one on Buddhism. One of the most famous Buddhist works is “Phra-tra-along” still held in veneration by the Tai Ahoms today[5]. This work is of great interest to Buddhologists as much as is to historians. For despite the profession of Theravada Buddhism by Tais in almost all parts of Southeast Asia and India, this work is considered to belong to Mahayana school of Buddhism. In Tai language those days as in today, “phra” means the Buddha, “tra” is his teaching and “along” denotes bodhisatta, the aspirant of buddhahood. The work in question effectively deals the Triple Gem, but instead of the sangha as in the Theravada, it is the bodhisatta, the Buddha-would-be, that forms the third component here. It is important here to distinguish between the early Tai Ahoms and the later arrivals, Tai Khamtis who went to Assam in the 18th century when the early Kong-Baung Kings of Burma invaded Assam and Manipur. Equally imperative here is to note that until Swargadeva Susengpha (Hsosengpha) or Burha raja or Pratap Singh (1603-1641 AD), the Tai king who converted to Hinduism, Assam had no contact with Burmese culture. It is therefore possible to state that Tais did not use Sakra that the Burmese adopted as their lunar calendar, not before the Kong-Baung period when some of the Tai Saophas did receive some royal orders from the Burmese court at Ava and Amarapura. So, what calendar then did the Tai courts use is the right question that should imply here.

The third and last indication that Tais had used their own calendar is that Tais were still using their own calculation of months by the end of 18th century when Bodaypaya attempting to create Pondaw calendar. Sao Garng Hso, one of our greatest Pandits made all his predictions about the future of Shan States, for which he was exiled to Chiangsen, based on a sixty-days month of Tai lunar system. The book is called “ Pay-tarng Sao Garng Hso” but the way to calculate is shown in his work entitled “Jatisaranyan”. Most of the Tai calendars published inside Shan State have these sixty days in them. The sixty days are calculated from ten mother-years, “mea-pi” and 12 son-years, “look-pi”. Based on this calculation that we know when the new year day falls. Loong Sarng Sam from Mongkeng is the best living scholar of this subject at the moment. According to this calculation the New Year day falls on 16th December this year, although when fallowed Burmese lunar months, it was on 30th November (Lern Zieng mai won nurng). The Thai used this calendar before cahnging to Sakra year and then Buddhist era.

Conclusion

We can thus suggest that Tais had used their own calendar before changing Sakra under the influence of Indian culture that swept through Southeast Asia as late as 10th century. The late Loong Khun Maha of Mongai and Sai Fa are of the opinion that the Tai calendar might have started when Mong Loong and Mong Pa were flourishing as the capitals of Tais. The exact circumstances though still require substantial research to be discovered. We may be closer to unearthing our lost cultural history if we first discover how we lost our surnames, for they were still in use when the Chinese recorded us as Dien Yue.

For now, signs of New Year are largely found in our vocabulary of months and in activities of harvest season. Lurn Zieng means the month of beginning. Zieng is a classical Tai word to describe a beginning or the birth of something; when a baby learns how to walk, his mother would repeat zieng, zieng, zieng, because the word signifies not only the beginning but also being auspicious. A local leader in Khaisim village, Nampong, Lashio told me that lurn zieng was the first month Brhama created. Loong Zaray Wiling clearly drew his authority for his interpretation from Purusha Sukta of Upnishadic literature of Hinduism. It is doubtful if Tais of other parts of the world would interpret in the same way. The second month, lurn gam is the month of religious devotion; gam literary means to abstain (from bad activities and also from normal routine). a new mother takes a month staying indoor after giving a birth to a baby. It is possible that in ancient days the Tais did not work in the second month, perhaps due to extreme cold weather or they took a month (four weeks) of annual holidays after harvesting their crop.

Since Zieng is closely associated with harvesting, one of the essential features of celebrating Tai New Year is to gin zieng, a ritual party where people get together and feed each other. Since our system places importance on months due to our calculation of the movement of the earth around the moon, not around the sun, Tai word “lurn” means both month and moon. In other word, Tai calendar is not a solar one.

Well, I have promised at the beginning that at the end of my arguments one will remain as uninformed as he was concerning the circumstances in which Tai lunar year began. Nevertheless, I am confident that you have now shifted your quest from an earlier position of if Tais really had lunar year to how we Tais began it and how we have gone through it all.

Mai Soong Pi Mai Tai 2096th.

Shan state

2007-12-06T00:22:00.000+07:00

If you're in the mood for a leisurely trip, Highway 108 will take you all the way to Mae Sariang, where the highway south ends. But we're on an adventure and we want to do one of those speed-demon runs into the wilds, so let's get moving.

The drive to Mae Sariang takes about four hours considering ‘nature stops'. We Drove for about two hours in a zigzag line passing two towns of any mention, Sob Moei and Baan Sob Ngao. The further we go the deeper we'll get into forest. We had gone go up and down hills and around steep and sometimes dangerous curves and every step of the way we'll feel ourselves getting deeper and deeper and finally we're in the middle of a veritable jungle. We're still in the mountains, for the entire Thai-Burma's Karen (Kayin) State border is a mountain range, but we will gradually descend from the mist and clouds, We passed precious few people-maybe a small group every one hundred kilometers or so - and for quite a long stretch. Those we do see may be trudging along the road with mountains of food baskets on their heads or backs; or, there may be a group of women working a multicolored, terraced farm in a small dip in the earth.

Pocketed in the corner of northwestern Thailand is the remote, forested province of Mae Hong Sorn. A look at the map may give you a feeling for what the area has to offer, but when you get there you'll see much, much more than you ever expected. We're not talking here of bustling markets and busy streets. We're talking of simplicity and beauty, gentle people and flowing green hills, the reality of day-to-day, life in these mountains and the antiquity in its charm. Mae Hong Sorn holds forth all the variety you need to enjoy the pleasure of Thailand in the midst of a strong Shan influence.

Mae Hong Sorn Province borders Burma's Shan State on both the north and the west and the city of Mae Hong Sorn is a small a city. It was originally formed by a combination of wandering migrants which included people from Burma's Shan State, Thailand and some nomadic hilltribe peoples, and these are the people you see today living their lives in a traditional style because it's their nature to do so.

Located in a slight dip in the mountainside with fresh water pouring down from above and terraced farm plots switched into the descending levels below. It is in a valley of sorts in that it is flat and all around you will see healthy green fields stretching all the way to distant mountain bases themselves, for a misty fog hovers over the mountains like blanket coverings that slowly trail off into narrow lengths that swirl sown and around the mountain base at various points.

There is much for the visitor to see and enjoy, both in the city and in the surrounding areas. A walk along one of the many mountain roads within walking distance from wherever it is you might stay provides a spectacular drama of rolling hills in lush green and blue - grey. On these roads you'll often see Thai, Shan or Meo mountain people trudging along in their native garb. A drive around the area, either by car or motorcycle -- and if you wish bicycle -- is a day well-spent in this mountainous countryside.

A trip such as this will give you an opportunity to visit both the human and natural attractions of the area. On the human side, you can visit three different areas where hilltribe people live ; the Karen, the Meo and the Lisu -- three of the six hilltribe groups who inhabit northern Thailand. Most of the Karen people live on Doi Mae Haw at the Tribal Development & Assistance Center on Highway 108. Four different Karen Migrations took place at different times in history and all came from Burma's Karen State.

North of Mae Hong Sorn city, near the Thai-Burma's Shan State border, is the Meo (Muong) Tribal Village, about 35 kilometers north of the Bha Sua Waterfalls. The Meo are said to have emigrated from Laos, but some made their way through Burma's Shan State before setting in the northwest. To the east of Mae Hong Sorn city, on Highway 1095 -- a distance of about 30 kilometers -- is the Lisu Tribal Village.

Along the same route as the Tribal village, many natural attractions are within easy access. Waterfalls and caves dominate, but there are also hot springs and dense jungle paths. It would not be wise; however, not to venture too far into these jungle paths. You are very close to the Burma's Shan State border and even the Thai and Shan cannot cross.

Some of the most attractive waterfalls are the Pha Sua Falls (น้ำตกผาเสื่อ) and the Mae Surin Falls (น้ำตกแม‹สุรินทร). The Pha Sua Falls are due north of Mae Hong Sorn Village on a side road that departs Highway 1095. From the highway. It's a 10-kilometer drive into Bha Sua Forest park. These waterfalls are not only attractive, they're almost awesome. Seven levels of falls pour over huge rocks embedded into an even higher mountainside and splash and spray into a pool at the foot. The miniature valley into which these falls pour is a misty and somewhat erie gouge in the mountains. The mist seems to glide through the water as it deposits itself in the pool and at times it hovers over the pool momentarily as if it's waiting for its next destination--the best nature effects of this mist can be seen from early August to late September. The Mae Surin Falls are south of Mae Hong Sorn province in Highway 108 and are the highest waterfalls in Thailand.

If you choose the waterfalls south of the province, Gaew Gomon Cave (ถ้้ำแกŒวโกมล) in Mae La Noy district are close by and well worth a visit. If you take the northerly route, there is the Thaam Pla (Fish Cave) (ถ้ำปลา) on Highway 1095 where fish live in small streams within the cave. Further on. On Highway 1095 (about 60 kilometers from Mae Hong Sorn city) is the Thaam Lord Cave (ถ้ำลอด), a deep and ancient relic of the past where many prehistoric remains have been found. This cave has grown its own garden of beautifully colored stalagmites and stalactites over the millennia.

In all of these outlying areas, you'll see the subtle blend of Thailand and Burma's Shan State, but nowhere is it more evident than in Mae Hong Sorn's temples. Wat Gitti Wong (วัดกิตติวงศ) is located on Highway 108 and contains Buddha relics brought from Chiangmai and ancient manuscripts discovered in Pha Daeng Cave (ถ้ำผาแดง) near Salaween River in the area of Sao Hin subdistrict, Mae Sariang district, which recount the history of relations between Burma's Shan State and the Lanna Kingdom of northern Thailand. It is not surprising that the Buddha relics in Wat Gitti Wong were brought from Chiangmai. Mae Hong Sorn was established as a town and then a province by the kings of the Lanna Kingdom prior to its becoming part of Thailand. Another temple which demonstrates the mix of Thai and Shan cultures in the province is Wat Naam Hu (วัดน้ำฮู) in Pai district on Highway 1095. This temple contains a sacred Chiang Saen Buddha image. 24 inches wide at the base and 30 inches high, indeed straight out of antiquity. The Chiang Sean term refers to the Shan Kingdom from which the founders of the northern Thai Lanna Kingdom came during the feudal wars of what is now the Burma's Shan State side of the Thai border in the 12th and 13th centuries.

In the city of Mae Hong Sorn, there are numerous temples and other forms of architecture of the Thai-Shan mix. Along the village's only lake are the Shan temple Wat Jong Glang (วัดจองกลาง) with its distinctive Shan jedee (chedi) in pagoda style and the Thai temple of Wat Jong Come (วัดจองคำ) with its Thai jedee in the smooth circular dome style topped with a spire. These two temples rest side by side and are brilliant displays of art and history.

Another example of the balanced Thai and Shan influence is a second dual temple overlooking the village. A short drive or a 15-minute walk will take you to this structural duality where by night or day you can get a good brid's-eye view of Mae Hong Sorn and the surrounding area. At this temple, housed in a wood shelter with open sides are a bronze Buddha image on the left and a gold Buddha image on the right.

If you're in the North, or planning to come, Mae Hong Sorn province is an area you must not miss. From Chiangmai, you can travel by tourist bus, local bus from Chiangmai's bus arcade, or you can fly. Any mode of travel will cost you very little and whether you stay in Thailand's northwest pocket for only a weekend or a whole week you'll never see anything like it -- even in the North.

I thank Gazala Paul for writing such an extensive article, and his recommendation on Future Federalism in Burma, but I would like to respond to certai

2007-10-26T18:24:00.000+07:00

I thank Gazala Paul for writing such an extensive article, and his recommendation on Future Federalism in Burma, but I would like to respond to certain points. In the article “A Cry from Burma”, he wrote, “The military claimed that it had to take over power (1962) because there was a secession plot by the leaders of the ethnic nationalities.”

In Response to Recent Articles

By S. N. Oo

I thank Gazala Paul for writing such an extensive article, and his recommendation on Future Federalism in Burma, but I would like to respond to certain points.
In the article “A Cry from Burma”, he wrote, “The military claimed that it had to take over power (1962) because there was a secession plot by the leaders of the ethnic nationalities.”

During 1948- 1958 the semi-democratic government under U Nu was at first going pretty smoothly, but being pressurized by the Burman nationalists U Nu changed the Constitution: e.g. The Upper Chamber of Nationalities was becoming more and more under the control of the Burmans. Buddhism was declared the state religion, which was contrary to the original Constitution, and this angered the Christians and the Muslims. ( This is not to rekindle old wounds, but to explain facts and to avoid past mistakes)

By 1961 the Sawbwas realised that the Union was not only totally under the control of the Burmans but becoming under the Military; therefore, the question of “ to secede or not to secede “ came to be an issue amongst Shan leaders including U Htoon Myint who was anti- Sawbwas. This was not a crime, it was a right provided by the Constitution.( The Shan State had the right to secede after ten years , 1958) The secession issue did not arise out of conspiracies by the Shan leaders; it originated from real grievances. The aspiration of the Non-Burman ethnic leaders was for all nationalities to work together as equal partners.

The majority and more prominent Shan leaders were committed to working out a solution with the elected U Nu Government. That was the reason why they called for a recess of Parliamentarians, to have a discussion on “Federation” In March, 1962, during a high level seminar on “federal issue s” attended by Prime Minister U Nu and senior Shan Representatives and lawyers on both sides, the Military under General Ne Win staged a coup. The present long and never ending conflict could have been avoided if the debate was allowed to continue.

The military further claimed that “Without a strong military presence, there would be ethnic violence”
This is also propaganda of the military regime. It has shut away the truth and has been drumming this into the citizens of Burma and the international communities for years, and yes, some are naive enough to believe whatever the junta says. This is because the regime has been practising how to lie convincingly for years; the generals sound so genuine yet they are blatantly lying.

It is true that in the Shan State there are various ethnic races but during the Sawbwa regime and under the British rule from 1887- 1942 all these groups had lived peacefully together. The people were able to enjoy basic human rights with continuous peace and stability. There were no prejudices or bigotry between the groups. This does not mean that Feudalism should be revived; it would not be right for the 21st. century.

After the military coup, the various groups have been corrupted and indoctrinated to think ill of each other by the Burmese military’s divide and rule method. The regime has shattered the eight regional states of the Union of Burma. In each of the regional states they have caused conflicts between the national races like the Pa-O and Was against the Shan, and within each national race Buddhists against those of other religious background, and ceasefire groups against the resistance groups. All society and family units have been completely destroyed. Like Harn Yawnghwe stated the regime has atomised the whole population of Burma, mentally and physically. Yet it is surprising that in spite of the junta’s cunning and evil efforts there is a realisation amongst all ethnic leaders that they must work together for the common good of all concern.

Several ministers and diplomats of Asian countries warned recently a sudden regime change in Burma could lead to an Iraq-type anarchy with rival factions battling each other for power.
This is exactly what the junta wants the world to believe. Are some governments so very ignorant of human psychology that they cannot identify whether somebody is lying or telling the truth? “Like Kyaw Zwa Moe wrote, “both ethnic groups, ceasefire and non-ceasefire have called for a form of democracy that would provide autonomy for their respective states”. The ethnic nationalities do not want to fight with each other, neither do they want to dominate; they want equal opportunity and status. It is only members of the military and those with the same mentality who are power mad, and try to hold on to power by force. They murder or get rid of anybody who is a threat to them, not by election or fair means but by guns and ammunition. They even kill or imprison their own people, like Khin Nyunt and many others. Kyaw Zwa Moe wrote, “anarchy is the best description of Burma’s present state, a military-ruled system of anarchy”. I totally agree with him. Any form of anarchy couldn’t be any worse than the present situation in Burma where the people are terrified and facing starvation.

Unlike Iraq all ethnic groups in Burma have no conflict amongst themselves. As has been identified by most people interested in Burma the problem facing the country for nearly half a century is a political and constitutional one, and not a conflict between the different ethnic nationalities. It is a conflict between the SPDC and all the ethnic nationalities, including the Bama citizens.
If the present dictatorial regime is removed the darkness and evil that have engulfed the people of Burma for nearly half a century will disappear. The people of Burma will regain their soul and spirit to rebuild their country.

I support Sao Yawd Serk, the Commander of SSA in his call for unity amongst all citizens of Burma. He said although the objectives of the Burman political opposition are different from those of the Shan they are not opposed to, but are supportive of each other. He also called for closer ties between the Burmans and the Shans so as to keep up the momentum of striking while the iron is hot or catch the fish before the water becomes muddy (sic).

The Shan State Armies came into existence because of the unfair, unjust and bullying nature of the totalitarian and dictatorial regimes. They are not war mongers. The peoples of the Shan State want just to be able to live freely in their own country of birth. Like all citizens of Burma they are fighting for their rights, honour, truth, justice and freedom. This surely is the common aim for all citizens of Burma? We must get rid of the misunderstanding, distrust and the fear created by the junta. All peoples of Burma can together rebuild the country into a genuine Federation based on true democracy. No doubt there will be plenty of talk but if it is based on fairness there is no reason why the final settlement cannot be reached satisfactorily.

I would like to call on the United Nations and member nation states to please:
1. Study carefully how Burma was constituted before the military coup so that they can understand the root of the conflict that has been going on for nearly half a century.
2. To carefully study the psychology of the generals; whether they are sincere or not when they say that they are working towards Democracy. Whether there will ever be a tripartite talk, because without such a talk there can never be democracy and peace in Burma.
3. Please research and study carefully the real situation of Burma; not only in towns and cities but in hidden villages.
4. Recognise that the generals are not children to be coaxed to do the right thing nor are they adolescents who have committed their first offence and need to be offered an incentive to reform; they are hardened criminals who do not have any consideration for other people’s points of view. They are without any human decency.

Junta’s economic suppression disables ethnic groups’ political capability

2007-10-17T01:10:00.000+07:00

Junta’s economic suppression disables ethnic groups’ political capability

By: Sai Lao Leng

A traveler recently returning from the Sino-Burma border recalled his experiences that the Burmese junta’s economic suppression of the ethnic people serves its political interests. The ethnic activists in small towns have been unable to organize the local population to support recent monks’ popular movements although moral support among the population was very high.

The ethnic population in frontier towns has long been paying for the cost of the regimes’ economic mismanagement. Commodities prices in these towns have always been outrageously higher than the rest of the country and black market rules the day. People in these areas have been struggling to cope with the ever rising commodities prices.

People of Nam Kham and Muse in Northern Shan State strongly supported the monks' movements, however, there was no young people left in the towns to mobilize the population into the streets, said an activist from Nam Kham. Nam Kham used to be a strong Shan political resistance centre but this tradition has perished. Under the economic pressure, most young people in recent decade, has left the towns for big cities or other countries such as Thailand for jobs. "In the 1988 democracy movements, we were able to organised thousands of people in the streets but now we no longer have the capability to do the same," remarked the activist.

Adding to the economic pressure, drug and gambling have been a problem among young people. With no employment and education opportunities, many young people have turned to drugs and gambling. The regime has turned blind eyes on drug abuses and gambling in the areas.

When the demonstrations intensified in Mandalay and Rangoon, the army, being afraid of local monks to join the movements, moved in quickly. All five monasteries in Nam Kham were sealed off by the army and people were warned to stay in their houses. The towns were under martial laws. The abbots of some monasteries were called to Rangoon for a meeting by the regime although the purpose of the meeting was not revealed.

An activist reported some twenty meditationers at a monastery in Nam Kham refused to obey the army’s order to return home and continued to practice meditation at the monastery. However, their fate is not yet known.

A local resident explained there were not many young monks in Nam Kham because most Nam Kham’s young novice monks were in Mandalay and in other big cities. Young Shan novice monks usually spend some years learning at monasteries in Mandalay and other big cities before returning to reside in their native monasteries.

Shan monk nabbed for rapping regime

2007-10-17T01:07:00.000+07:00

Authorities in Mongton, opposite Chiangmai, have taken a revered Shan monk after he recently made a remark in criticism of the Burma Army's violent handling of last month's anti-junta protests led by monks, according to sources coming to the border.

Reverend Sorinda of the Tripitaka Monastery, 50, was visited by a troop of soldiers from Infantry Battalion 225 on 1 October following his criticism. "The exact words he was supposed to have spoken were not clear," said a source, "and we don't know who had reported to the authorities on him. We only know that he, like most of us, was very upset about the killings in Rangoon."

The monk, a native of Maeken, some 12 miles south of Mongton, has been locked up at the town's police station. Town elders have appealed to the authorities for his release, but were told they had to wait for the return of the area commander, who is still out of town on army business.

Novices and monks traveling to Mongton from southern Shan State are also either being stranded at the Tasang crossing on the Salween, between Mongton on the east bank and Mongpan on the west bank, or sent bank to Mongpan.

Movements of monks have been greatly restricted since the violent suppression of the peaceful demonstrations against abrupt fuel price hike by the military government last month.

The Shan settlements in Myanmar

2007-09-26T22:04:00.000+07:00

(Kwan Hseng)
Introduction
Ethnologically speaking, Myanmar is one of the richest countries in the world. More than a hundred ethnic peoples are presently scattered all over the country, making it their homeland and sharing their griefs and joys for centuries. When Myanmar was about to get its independence, a historic conference was held at a small town called Panglong in central Shan State which brought together representatives of the ethnic representatives of the ethnic people led by the Shan leaders and of the Myanmar Government led by General Aung San. At the conference it was agreed that the ethnic people would cooperate in all the activities for independence and than they would enjoy full autonomy in internal administration as well as fundamental rights and privileges. When Myanmar gained independence in 1948 the Union of Myanmar with three States of the ethnic minorities, viz Kachin State, Kayah State and Shan State came into existence. Subsequently other States of the ethnic minorities were created, so that at present there are Seven States1 of the ethnic minorities and Seven Divisions2 of different nationalities with Myanmar as the major unit. Of the Seven States of ethnic minorities, Shan State is the largest and is located in the eastern portion of Myanmar. The majority of its inhabitants are commonly known to the Myanmar people as "Shan".

The Shan are the most widely scattered of the ethnic people in Myanmar and they can be found in every part of the country. Their Mans (villages), Mongs (city-states) and settlements stretch from the northernmost region of Hkamti Long down to Tharrawaddy and then to southern Taninthayi (Tenasserim) and from the tip of Kengtung in the east to Hsawng Hsup, Kabaw valley and Ta-mu in the west. In central Myanmar many Shan settlements can be found around Ava, Pinya, Sagaing, Toungoo, Pyinmana and Pyi (Prome).

Reasons for Migration
The question here is: When did the Shans enter Myanmar? In fact, they had migrated into this country so long ago that nobody could exactly ascertain the actual date of their coming. Some scholars, including Dr. Cushing believe that the migration of the Shans into Myanmar took place two thousand years ago. The reasons for the migration being:

The restlessness of their character which urged them to move to find new places where they could settle independently and in isolation. Because of this, their migration was, in general, rather slow and peaceful.

Their peculiar war-like character which occasionally manifested itself. Because of this, their migration was at times rather forceful and aggressive, such as the military expeditions into Myanmar, once before the Christian era and another in A.D. 2413. A combined force of "Taroks" and "Tareks" which invaded Bagan and the Taroks are probably "Shan".

The pressure of Chinese invasion and conquests such at those which happened in A.D. 78 and A.D. 1253.

In A.D. 78 a quarrel broke out between Chinese and Shan leaders over the question of the appointment of a Chinese official to represent the suzerainty of China over the Shan and a fierce battle broke out between the Shans and the Chinese. The Shan leader Lei-Lao, being defeated took his followers and migrated to the present northern Shan State, that being one of the earliest migrations of the Shans into Myanmar4.

A similar migration in great strength took place in A.D. 1253 as a direct result of the conquest of the Shan Kingdom of Ta-li-fu by Kablai Khan.

Establishment of Mongs
Most of the northern Shan chronicles also indicate that a great wave of Shan migration took place in the 6th century A.D. with the Shans shifting from the mountains of southern Yunnan into the Nam Mao valley and to the adjacent region, establishing many Mongs like Bhamo, Mong Mit, Hsipaw, Hsenwi and other. Making these places their first homeland they spread out to the present Shan State to establish more Mongs and Kengs like Mong Nawng, Mong Hsu, Mong Kawng, Mong Keshi-mansam, Mong Laika, Mong Nai, Mong Pan, Mong Mawkmai, Keng Rom, Keng Tawng, Keng Hkam, Yawnghwe, Mong Lawk Sawk, Hsamonghkam, Mong Sam Ka, Mong Pai and others; and from Mong Kawng, Mong Yang, Waing Hso, Kat Hsa moving north-westwards to Hkamti Long area where they established the eight Mongs of Hkamti Shans; Lokhun, Mansi, Lon Kyein, Mansehkun, Mannu, Langdao, Mong Yak and Longnu5. Moving to the west the Shans occupied and established the new Mongs of Hsawng Hsup6, Singkalaing Hkamti (Kanti) 7, Mong Kale8, Mong Leng (Mohling) Main Kaing9 or Mong Kang, Hu-Kawng, Mawlek, Mong Yaung (Mong Nyaung), Homalin (Hom Mark Leng), Paungbyin, Hkam-Pat, Ta Mu, etc. between the Ayarwaddy and the Chindwin and along the Uyu river and ever up to Manipur and Assam.

The Shan immigrants of upper Myanmar were the oldest branch of the Tai ethnic group being known as "Tai Long" or "Tai Yai", that is "Great Tai". Tai Mao and Tai Nua were also classified as "Tai Long". Later Shan immigrants to Laos and Thailand were call "Tai Noi" or "Little Tai".

More Migration during the Reign of Sao Hso Khan Hpa and Sao Hsam Long Hpa

A constant flow of the Shan migration was made possible when a powerful Shan Kingdom called Mong Mao Long was established in the Mao valley. For many decades the Mao Shans had concentrated on the building of the Mao power in this valley and a number of old capitals existed in this valley, a well-known one being Se-Lan10. All the chronicles of the northern Shan State agree that the Mao political power reached its height in the 7th century and that it maintained itself with varying degree of progress and prosperity, especially during the reign of the twin brothers Sao Hso Hkan Hpa and Sao Hsam Long Hpa.

The first thing Sao Hso Khan Hpa did, when he came to the throne was to consolidate and to bring all the Shan principalities of the neighbouring areas and those located in the northern and southern Shan State under his suzerainty. To achieve his objective, he employed two methods. One was to request all the neighbouring Shan Chiefs to voluntarily acknowledge his overlordship; the other was to bring those who failed to submit under his rule by force of arms. Both methods were successful and within a few years he brought all such regions under his rule. Emboldened by success, he embarked upon a policy of expansion towards the southeast and the south, undertaking the military expeditions in person. The campaigns were successful and he annexed a strip of land from Tali on the north to Keng-sen, Ving-chang and some territories far down to Cambodia. In the southern Thailand and also Ayuthia, in 135011. In the south-west, he overran the Monland right down the Taninthayi peninsular. Bagan was also included in the list of his captured kingdoms12.

To expand the Mao power towards the west, he assigned the task to his brother General Sao Hsam Long Hpa. The General with his army marched down to Mong Kawng which he easily annexed. Then, making Mong Kawng his military base and second capital next to Mong Mao Long, he crossed the Ayeyawady, the Uyu and the Chindwin rivers and easily brought all the existing Shan principalities to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Mao King, Sao Hso Hkan Hpa. Then Sao Hsam Long Hpa marched up to northern Rakhine (1294) to bring Waisali, Manipur, region around Brahmaputra and Assam (1229) under the rule of the Mao King. The Mong Kawng annals mention that there were eight races of people who acknowledged the overlordship of the Mong Kawng Chief, the Nora, divided into tribes like the Ai-Ton, the Ai-Kham, and Fakei (the latter were not Khaung or Khang-sei (i.e. the Khyen or Nagas); the Singphos or Kachyens: the Pwons, divided into great and small Pwons; the Kadus, a kindred people to the latter were similarly divided; the Yaws, a tribe of Burmans on the right bank of the Ayarwaddy; the Kunbaw, said to be the Burmese of the neighbourhood of Mautshobo (Moksobo), the Kunungs and Kunmuns, or Mishmis, divided by the Assamese into Mkju and Chullicotta Mishmis 13. About ninety-nine Saohpas of northern Myanmar pledged their allegiance to the Chief of Mong Kawng and Mong Mao Long14.

Former Shan Settlements in North Myanmar
The successive conquests achieved by Sao Hsam Long Hpa over the northern territory encouraged greater Shan immigration to these new areas and led to further establishment of their Ban-Mong system. Territories which now belong to Kachin State were once under the rule of the Mong Kawng Saohpa and many Shans (affiliated to Tai-Long ethnic group) can still be found dominating in the Bans and Mongs of the region as follows:

Alambo
Aungthagon
Bilumyohaung or Waing Hpai Kao
Bilumyothit or Waing Hpai Mai
Gurkhaywa
Hopin or Ho-Pang
Htantabin or Ban Htan Ton Leo
Htopu or Ban Hto Hpu
Inbaung or Ban Kyapt Naung
Ingyingon-Old. Ban Kaung Pao Kao
Ingyinon-New. Ban Kaung Pao Mai
Kangon or Ban Kon Naung
Kanhla or Ban Naung Ngarm
Kayuchaung or Ban nam haung Hoi
Kondangyi or Ban Kong Khay
Kyakyikwin Ban Naung Mo Long
Letpadan
Lwelaw or Ban Loilaw
Mahaung
Maing Naung or Mong Naung
Manywet or Ban Ywet
Mawhan
Mogaung or Mong Kawng
Mohnyin or Mong Yang
Mokaung
Myadaung
Myothitgyi or Waing Mai
Namana
Nam Khwin
Namma
Nampoke
Namti
Nanhaing
Nansawlaw
Nansun
Natgyikon or Ban Hpi Long
Natyingya
Naunggaing
Nyaunggon or Ban Kon Nyaung
Ohnbaung
Pinbaw or Ban Pang Baw
Pinhe
Pinlon or Ban Panglong
Pintha or Ban Pyin Hsa
Pwinbyusu
Sahmaw or Ban Mao Khay
Shanzu
Shwe-in
Tagwin
Ta-paw
Taungbaw
Taungni or Ban Loi Leng
Tiggyaingsu
Theikwagon
Thutegon
Yawthit or Ban Mai
Yawathikyi
Myohla
Thayetta
In Kamaing Township

Chaungwa or Ban Pak Haung
Haungpa
Hepan or Haipan
Hepu or Haipu
Kamaing
Lawsun
Lepon
Letpangon
Lonsan or Long San
Lonton
Lwemun or Loimun
Maing Pok or Mong Pok
Mapyin
Maubin Nalatan
Nammun
Nanhlaing
Nankat
Nanya
Nyaungbin
Sezin
Taunghaw
In Myitkyina Township

Akye
Ayeindama
Baingbin
Hokat
Katcho or Kat Kiao
Khaungpu or Hkaunghpu old
Khaungpu or Hkaunghpu new
Kokma
Kwitu
Legon
Maingmaw or Mong Maw
Maingna or Mong Na
Male
Mangin
Mankin Saragatawng
Makin Shwezet
Manmakan or Man Mark Karn
Manpwa
Mintha
Myitkyina
Nampoung
Nanhe
Namkalan
Nankwe
Nanponmaw
Nanwa
Naunghi
Naungmun
Naungpakat
Naungbintha
Okkyin
Pamati
Pampa
Pidaung
Pinlontaw
Pinlonyana
Rampur
Sanga
Sangin
Sekow
Sinbo
Sitapur
Tahona or Ta Ho Na
Taiklon
Talawgyi
Tasaing
Talkon
Thagaya
Tonpakut
Ulauk
Wainglon
Waingmaw
Washaung
Zigyun15
Although the majority of the Shan in these areas are ethnologically affiliated to the Taileng ethnic group, there are also Shans who belong ethnologically to Tai Hkamti and Tai-nua groups. They live together in some regions and each tries to maintain its own traditions, customs, beliefs and dialect. But we find that the Shans affiliated to Tai-leng group are gradually becoming Myanmarnized. In some of the Shan Bans and Mongs there are also new immigrants of Sinpho ethnic groups coming to live among the Shans and strangely enough there are also some Nepalese or Gurkhas who live together happily with the Shans in some Bans and Mongs in northern Myanmar.

The twin brother kings, Sao Hso Kham Hpa and Sao Hsam Long Hpa did much to enable Shan immigrants to migrate and settle down in various parts of Myanmar and make it their homeland. They made the Shan power felt everywhere and encouraged the Shan immigrants to establish wherever possible their city-states which came to be known as "Mong" or "Keng". They also encouraged the Shans to reclaim forests for rice plantation. Thus the land became the rice bowl of Southeast Asia. Having developed agricultural skills since their stay in China, the Shan farmers improve the land to increase the rice production for the people of Bagan. After Narathihapate (1254-87) Bagan had become very weak with the effect of the Mongol invasion being felt everywhere. The three Shan brothers Athinkaya. Yazathinkyan and Thihathu, Chief of Mynsaing, Mekkhaya and Pinle located in the strategic district of Kyaukse got themselves concerned in Myanmar politics and that gave rise to a period of two and a half centuries of Shan domination in Myanmar.

Shan Kings in Myanmar
The list of Shan kings who succeeded the kings of Bagan and reigned at Myinsaing and Pinya is:

Athinhkaya, Yazathinkyan and Thihathu, the three Shan brothers who acquired power after the fall of Bagan and governed the country with equal status form A.D. 1298, their joint reign lasted fourteen years.

Thihathu or Ta-tsi-Shin, youngest of the three brothers who made himself king at Pinya form 1312 for ten years.

< align="justify">Uzana (stepson of No.2) son of Kyawswa (1287-98), deposed king of Bagan and the adopted son of Thihathu.
Ngasishin Kyawswa (half brother of No. 3), son of Thihathu or Ta-tsi-shin, became king in 1343 and reigned eight years.

Kyawswa-nge (son of No. 4) became king in 1350 and reigned nine years.
Narathu (brother No. 5) became king in 1354 and reigned five years.
Uzana Pyaung (brother No. 6) became kin in 1364, and assassinated after three months rule by Thadominbya.

Turning to Sagaing there were seven Shan kings who reigned at Sagaing from 1315 to 1364:

Sawyun or Saoyun, the son of Thihathu or Ta-tsi-shin who also reigned at Myinsaing and Pinya. He became king in 1315 and reigned seven years.

Tarabyagyi (step brother of No. 1), became king in 1323 and reigned fourteen years.

Shwetaungtet (son of No. 2), became king in 1336 and reigned three years.

Kyawswa (son of No. 2), became king in 1340 and reigned ten years.

Nawrahtaminye (brother of No. 4), became king in 1350 and reigned seven months only.

Tarabyange (brother of No. 5), became king in 1350 and reigned three years.

Minbyauk Thihapate, (brother-in-law of No. 6) was driven from Sagaing by a Shan army from the north and murdered by his stepson, Thadominbya in 1364.

Ava the capital of upper Myanmar for many years was founded with the help of the Shan Chief Thadominbya in 1364. There were nineteen Chiefs of Shan descent who reigned in Ava from 1364 to 1555.

Thadominbya said to be descended from the ancient Shan kings of Takawng or Tagaung on his mother's side, he was the grandson of Athinhkaya Sawyun, the Shan king of Sagaing. He founded Ava in 1364, became king in the same year and reigned three years.

Nga Nu (usurper), a paramour of Sao Umma, became king in 1368, and reigned only a few days.

Mingyiswasawke, said to be descended from both the Bagan dynasty and the Shan brothers, became king in 1368 and reigned thirty-five years.

Tarabya or Sinbyushin, (eldest son of No. 3), became king in 1401 but reigned only seven months, being murdered by his attendant.

Nga Nauk Hsan, became king in 1401 and reigned only a few weeks.

Minkhaung (another son of No. 3) hesitated to accept the throne but his younger brother Theiddat killed a cousin claimant and made him king. He became king in 1401 and reigned twenty one years.

Thihathu (son of No. 6) became king in 1422 and reigned four years. He was murdered at the instigation of Queen Shin Bo Me.

Minhla Ngai (son of No. 7) became king in 1426 but reigned only three months. He was poisoned.

Kalekyetaungnyo (usurper) became king in 1426 but reigned only seven months.

Mohnyinthado or Mohnyimintara, Chief of Shan descent who enforced his claim ot the throne, as descent of the kings of Bagan, Narapatisithu (1173-1210) and Ngasishin (1343-1350) and of the family of the three Shan brothers. He became king in 1427 and reigned thirteen years.

Minrekyawswa (son of No. 10) became king in 1440 and reigned three years.

Narapati (Thihathu) (brother of No. 11), became king in 1443 and reigned twenty six years.

Thihathu or Mahathihathura (son of No. 12) became kin in 1469 and reigned twelve years.

Minhkaung (son of No. 13) became king in 1481 and reigned twenty-one years.

Shwenankyawshin, (son of No. 14) became king in 1502 and reigned twenty five years. He was killed by Tho-han-bwa or Hso Hom Hpa who succeeded to the throne.

Thohanbwa or Hso Hom Hpa, son of Mohnyin Saolon who conquered Ava. He became king in 1527 and reigned sixteen years. He was murdered.

Hkonmaing or Hkun Mong, Saohpa Onbaung or Hsipaw and related to Shwe-nan-Kyaw-shin, was elected king of Ava. He became king in 1543 and reigned three years.

Mobye (or Mong Pai) Narapati (son of No. 17) Saohpa of Mong Pai became king of Ava in 1546, reigned six years and abdicated.

Sithukyawhtin, a Shan Chief of Salin, seized Ava and became king in 1552, and reigned three years. He was conquered and deposed by Bayinnaung in 155516.

Shan Settlements in Southern Myanmar
As for the Shans of Southern Myanmar, Myanmar history tells us that there were several Shan settlements around Thaton, Mawlamyine, Madana and Bago. Like elsewhere in Myanmar the local chiefs of Southern Myanmar locked themselves into the game of power politics. The most prominent of them was a local Shan chief called Wareru who became the most active player of the game. He was the son of a Shan immigrant to Thaton and was born in a village called Doonwun near Thaton. When he grew up he went to Sukhotai and rendered his services to the king as a stable boy. His duty was to look after the royal elephants, sometime going along with the king on an expedition. He proved himself capable and efficient and was promoted to the rank of captain of the guard. Also because of his close association with the king he came to be acquainted with the king's daughter. One day, during the absence of the king he eloped with the daughter and brought her to his native place Thaton.

He was an ambitious young man and Machiavellian in his actions, using every possible means to achieve his political ambitions. When he returned to his native land his first political move was to eliminate Aleimma the governor of Madana. He tricked Aleimma, with the beauty of his sister as a lure; the governor fell into his trap and was murdered. He thus gained control of the strategic sea-port of Madana in 1281. He next turned his attention to Bago which was the time ruled alternately by Myanmar and Mon. He made a alliance with the Mon prince Tarabya by giving his daughter in marriage to him. The two of them jointly attacked Bago outsted the Myanmar governor and occupied much of the territories south of Pyi and Taungoo. A quarrrel arose over the division of their new territories and Tarabya hatched a plot to ambush Wareru but failed. Unable to solve their territorial problem peacefully, they finally agreed to solve the problem through a single combat on elephants. Tarabya lost the combat and was executed. After that Wareru emerged as the sole ruler of southern Myanmar and was recognized by China and Thailand. The king of Sukhotai who was his father-in-law sent him a white elephant as symbol of his appreciation and recognition of his political achievement. Wareru shifted his capital from Madana to Bago in 1369 and established a dynasty which lasted from 1287 to 1539. The following is the list of the Shan kings of Bago of the dynasty established by Wareru in 1287:

Wareru, A.D. 1287 (S. 649). The Shan chief who established the dynasty but had his capital at Madana. He reigned nineteen years.

Khun-lau' or Tha na' ran bya keit who became king in A.D. 1306 (S. 668) and reigned four years.

Dza'u-a'u or Theng-Mha'ing (nephew of 2), who became king in A.D. 1310 (S. 672) and reigned thirteen years.

Dzau-dzip, or Binya-ran-da (brother of 3) who became king in A.D. 1323 (S. 685) and reigned seven years.

Binya-e'-la'u (son of 2, Khun-Lau and cousin of 4) who became king in A.D. 1330 (S. 692) and reigned eighteen years.

Byinya-u, or Tshen-Pyu-Sheng (son of 4 Dzau-dzip and cousin of 5), who restored the ancient capital Bago or Hansawadi. He became king in A.D. 1348 (S. 710) and reigned thirty-seven years.

Binya-nwe, or Ra'-dza' di-rit (son of 6) who became king in A.D. 1485 (S. 747) and reigned 38 years.

Binya Dham-ma Ra'-dza (kson of 7) who became king in A.D. 1423 (S. 785) and reigned three years.

Binya-Ra'n-kit (brother of 8) who became king in A.D. 1426 (S. 788) and reigned twenty years.

Binya-Wa-ru (nephew of 9) who became king in A.D. 1466 (S. 808) and reigned four years.

Binya Keng (cousin of 10) who became king in A.D. 1450 (S. 812) and reigned three years.

Mahau-dau (cousin of 11) who became king in A.D. 1453 (S. 815) and reigned seven months.

Queen Sheng tsau bu, Binya dau' (cousin of 12) who became queen in A.D. 1453 (S. 815).

Dham-ma Dze-di (cousin of 13) who became king in A.D. 1460 (S. 822) and reigned thirty-one years. He did not belong to the Royal Family.

Binya Ran' (son of 14 and son-in-law of 13, Sheng-tsau-bu) who became king in A.D. 1526 (S. 853) and reigned thirty-five years.

Ta-ka'-rwut-bi (son of 15) who became king in A.D. 1526 (S. 888) and reigned fourteen years. He was conquered and deposed by Tabeng-Shwehti, king of Taungoo in A.D. 154017.

During his rule in southern Myanmar, Wareru achieved one important thing by compiling the customary law in Pali. It is called after him as the Wareru Dhammathat, supposed to be one of the earliest lawbook in Myanmar.

During the period of the Wareru dynasty trade and commercial relations were established with European countries which brought prosperity to Bago, Madana and Taninthayi. Native products like rubies and other gems of northern Myanmar, lac, ivory, horn, lead, tin, Bago or Madana jars, long pepper, and nyper wine made form the dani palm where exchanged with products like camphor, pepper, scented wood either from Sumatra or Borneo, Chinese porcelain, velvets, opium and other wares which were brought in by Portuguese and other European merchants.

Shan Settlement on East of Salween
As in northern and other parts of Myanmar, Shan settlements can also be found east of the Salween River. The region here is shaped like a triangle. Although the Shan immigrants of this areas, were ethnologically affiliated to the Tai race, they retained their local names such as Hkun, Lu, Lem, Ngio, Yun and Tai Nua. Based upon their Ban-Mong or Ban-Keng system the immigrants were able to establish many Mongs and Kengs as their city-states. Some of the Mongs established by the Shan immigrants were:

Mong Yang Mong Mang

Mong Lwe Mong Leng

Mong Hkak Mong Set

Mong Ka Mong Hum

Mong Pawk Mong Tang

Mong Hka Mong Mau

Mong Leng Mong Pak

Mong Tum Mong Yoi

Mong Ka Mong Hkawn

Mong Hism Mong Ngawn

Mong Pan Mong Rom

Mong Pu Mong Nung

Mong Hit Mong Nyen

Mong Leng Mong Tung

Mong Mu Keng Hkam

Mong Hsen Keng Taung

Mong Ing Keng Lap

Mong Pu-awn Keng Hkawng

Mong Ping Keng Hkang

Mong Hpong Keng Hkum18

Mong Kwi

Kengtung is the largest city and the capital of Eastern Shan state. Kengtung has an area of rather over 12,000 square miles, and a population of about 500,000. It is bounded by Thailand and the south; China on the north and Laos on the east. It extends form the Mekong to the Salween and also includes some territories west of the Salween. According to legend what is now Kengtung city and valley was originally a vast lake. Kengtung was founded by the Saohpa of Mong Rai and his sons. They brought sixty-nine Hkun families to settle down there, and Kengtung became a Mong of Hkun people. The Hkun people who settled on his region came from the east and formed part of the eastern wave of the southward migration of the Shan people.

Yun history also mentions that Kengtung plain was conquered from the Wa by the joint efforts of a son Paya Mong Rai and a Chieng-mai monk. They introduced Buddhism, established monasteries and introduced the Tai Yun written language 655 years ago19.

The Hkun people occupy much of the central parts of Kengtung and also the Kengtung valley. The Lu people occupy all the eastern valleys towards the Mekong and also along the border touching Hsip hsaung Panna especially around Mong Yawng. The Shan people are settled in the western portion of the state and along the Salween river and other parts. The Hkun, Lu and Shans are intermingled. The difference of dialect between Hkun and Lu is considerable, but they have little difficulty in understanding each other. The Lu and the Hkun have almost the same written character which is also close to the Laotian character, and educated Hkun and Lu can read Lao writing easily. Dr. Clifton Dodd made the following remarks of the Hkun:

The Kun are neither haughty nor servile. They have an air and manner of self respect and geniality. They look better groomed, they are finer grained, they are keener traders, more adroit diplomats in a small way, more sociable, more affable, more "like our folks". One soon becomes acquainted with them and acquaintance soon ripen into friendship20.

Lem, Ngio and Yun are also affiliated to Tai ethnic groups. The Laotian people, sometimes call the people form western Salween call the people form western Salween Ngio, but the pepole of the area do not accept the name. The name Ngio is also sometimes applied to the people living along the Mekong close to Lao. The people form Mong Lem are called Lem. They are also affiliated to Tai group especially to the Tai Nua. The Yun are pepople who live along the Kengtung-Thai border. They extend into Chiengmai and the people of Chiengmai are mostly Yun. The Yun people have their own written character and produced quite a lot of literary words especially on Buddhism. The Yun type of Buddhism is practised in Chiengmai and Kengtung among the Hkun, Lu, Lem, Ngio and Tai Loi of Kengtung.

Tai Nua communities settled near Kengtung, on its north and along the Myanmar-China border, around Muse, Namhkam, Bhamo, Myitkyina, Mong Na, Kat Kiao, and further north up to Loi Kye.

There are also settlements along the east bank of the Ayarwady up to the Shweli area. The Tai Nua people have their own written language, literature and have produced some works on Buddhism. Their written characters are of an old type that looks like bean sprouts. So they are called "Leik Hto Ngok" in Shan. Now they have reformed the old characters and that makes it much easier to learn. The Tai Nua are a hardy type of people and many of them are good farmers and good blacksmiths.

Conclusion
The Shan migration into Myanmar dates back to a very remote period. The nature of their migration was usually slow and peaceful. But there were exception when it was war-like and forceful. They penetrated deep into Myanmar to occupy every plain, every hill and every valley and turn every available wasteland to produce rice either for own consumption or for trade. They were hardy farmers and good cultivators. They adopted a feudal type of administration. Whenever they migrated they introduced their Mong and Keng system of city-states. They frequently fought among themselves but they formed into alliance against common enemy. Endless wars are recorded in their local histories. The frequent fightings among themselves and against neighbouring foes exhausted their strength so that they finally became very weak. They also made the mistake of adopting new local names instead of adhering to their original unity. They split and scattered so much and so far that it became almost impossible for them to retain the unity of the old days. Some of the Shan chiefs became pawns in the game of Myanmar power politics, but they were unable to create enough unity for the establishment of a United Kingdom like Nanchao and Mong Mao Long of the old days. In 1555, a powerful King of Bago, Bayinnaung easily wiped out the feudal power of the chiefs of the Mongs and made it impossible for them to recover from their fall. The final blow came when the three wars took place between the Myanmar and the British. The Shan chiefs, being subordinate to the Myanmar kings, had to supply contingent after contingent to fight against the British. Many Shans lost their lives during the three wars and there are stories of Shan women fighting gallantly and bravely with their men against the British. But bravery alone could not stem the tide of British imperialism. The Myanmar army with the Shan levies suffered defeat and Upper Myanmar was finally conquered by the British. Likewise, the Shan States, the Shan Chiefs and the Shan people suffered.

Kachin State, Kayah State, Kayin State, Chin State, Mon State, Yakhine State and Shan State

Mandalay Division, Sagaing Division, Bago Division, Magwe Division, Yangon Division, Ayeyawaddy Division and Taninthayi Division.

J. George Scott and J.P Hardiman, Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan States, part 1 and Vol 1 Rangoon, Government Printing, Burma, 1900. P. 192.

Ibid, p. 193
The Kachin Hills Manual. Rangoon, The Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma, 1959, p. 194

Hsawng Hsup or Thaungthut in Myanmar. It was a Shan State lying between Manipur and the Chindwin. The Nampanga river has sometimes been regarded as the northern boundary, … A mountain range rising to 5000ft runs along the middle of the State continues northwards beyond the Nampanga river … the Manipuris call it the Angaw Chin, or Angaw mountain. The the west of this range is the upper part of the Kabaw valley, broad and fertile, … In the north of the State, where it does not form the boundary, sends its spurs down to the river on the east, leaving a comparatively small area for cultivation in the neighbourhood of Thaungthut. A history of the State from the time of Buddha is in the possession of the Saohpa … Gawmona, which is said to have been the capital of an independent kingdom up to the time of Anawrahta (about A.D. 1010 to 1052) was near the site marked in the greater inch map as "Thap or Old samjok" in latitude 34? 31', longitude 93? 34', "Thap is merely the Burmese tat, stockade (Note, the fact "Thap" is a Shan word meaning to bar, to prevent and also it means "Army"). Samjok is the Manipuri town of the name which appears in Shan as Hsawng Hsup and in Burmese as Thaungthut. Burma Gazetteer Upper Chindwin District, Vol. A, 1913. pp. 74-76.

Singkalaing Hkamti or Kanti State. A Shan State in the extreme north of the District, in two, district parts one lying more or less between 26? 10' and 25? 45' N 95? 20' and 96?E, and the other between 25? 30' and 25? 40'N, 95? 30'E. The State, however, has no boundaries except on the Chindwin itself … The State is called Singkakaing Hkamti to distinguish it from Hkamti Long, or Great Hkamti which lies between latitude 27? and 28?N. Singkalaing is the name of a Naga tribe which occupied the site of the present Kanti before its foundation, and which survives in a few houses at the mouth of the Namaw river in 26? 6'N, 75? 57'E. BGUCD, Vol. A, 1913. pp. 74-79.

Kale, Kalewa or Yazagyo. A small town covering 176 square miles, lying on both sides of the Chindwin. Almost all its villages are on the bank of the river. The people are mostly cultivators. A chronicle of unknown origin contains a list of princes in which Indian names give way to Shan as early as 210 B.C., when kingdom is said to have been united by marriage with that of Mohnyin (Kathy district) in the person of Saw Kantwe, son of Kumonde raja by the daughter of the Mohnyin Prince. The first capital was known as Nwepat or New Yazajyo. But this town was destroyed in A.D. 699 by Manipuris and Chins and a new seat for the capital was chosen at Theinnyin with the assistance of the Mohnyin Saohpa. In 967 A.D., Kalemyo was reported to have became the capital… At that time the state is said to have been bounded on the north by Taungthut, east by the Chindwin, south by the Yaw country, and west by the Chin Hills and Manipur. Remains of massive walks, enclosing an area of 134 acres, many still be seen at Kalemyo… Shan Kingdoms were founded in different parts of the country, and Kale, like its sister states of Mohnyin and Mongaung, became independent. BGUCD, Vol.A. 1913. pp. 8-9. 70-71.

Maing Kaing or Mong Kang (Lac Town). This township comprises nearly all the bed of Uyu and its tributaries, … on the north side it has no boundries… on the east it borders on Myitkyina and Katha. The people talk Shan or Kadu… The population is nearly all on the lower part of the Uyu and on its southern tributaries… In the rest of the township the ordinary rice cultivation is practised, with gold-washing as a minor occupation.

Se-Lan was located about 13 miles east of Namhkam and close to the Chinese frontier. It was situated on the high point of an irregular four-sided plateau, which was about 200 or 300 feet above the level of the valley. It was about a square mile in area. The plateau was surrounded by an entrenched ditch which was in many places 40 to 50 feet deep. An old well was also discovered but it had mouldered away completely. Diary of my movements and events as they occurred Report of Intelligence Branch Burma Division, London. The British Library, India Office Library and Records, 1894, p. 4 (map).

W.W. Cochrane, The Shans, Vol.1, Rangoon, The Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma. 1915. P. 64.

Ibid, p. 70.
Sao Saimong Mangrai, The Shan States and the British Annexation, Ithaca, New York, Department of Asia studies, Cornell University, 1965. Appendix II, p. XIX.

Ibid.
The Kachin Hill Manual, Rangoon, The Superintendent, Government Printing, Union of Burma, 1959.pp.17-18.

G.E. Harvey. History of Burma, from The Earliest Time to March 1824. The Beginning of the English Conquest London, Frank Cass and Co.Ltd. 1967, 160.

Sir Arthur t.Phayre. History of Burma Including Burma Proper, Taungu, Tenasserim and Arakan, London 7 A High Street, Wanstead, 1883. Appendix pp. 290-291.

J. George Scott and J.P. Hardiman, Gazetteer of the Upper Burma and the Shan States, Part II Vol. I. Rangoon, The Superintendent, Government Printing, Burma, 1901, 374-5.

William Clifton Dodd, The Tai Race, Iowa. The Torch Press, 1923, 207.
Ibid, 211

The birth of Burma Army

2007-09-24T19:57:00.000+07:00

Courtesy: The Penguin History of the Second World War
Authors: Peter Calvocoressi, Guy Wint and John Pritchard

In Burma, the history of the Malayan campaign repeated itself. The Japanese Army invaded it on 11 December from Thailand.

Burma, one of the smaller countries of the British Empire, had had, in the half century of its membership, a comparatively uneventful history. Burma became known, no longer as an oriental paradise inhabited by a merry, picturesque people, but as a fated, evil country, the arena - from no fault of its own, it is true - for some of the most horrible fighting of the war. It was not simply to flare into prominence by the brief experience of being overrun. It was to remain a contested land until the end of the war.

Burma had formerly been attached to India. It had been annexed to it as the result of three wars in the nineteenth century. It was an act of convenience for Britain; by no shadow of claims could it be regarded as an Indian land. Its majority people, the Burmese, were one of the Asian peoples with the clearest national consciousness; their economy was not inevitably linked with the Indian; their language and script had only a distant connection with Sanskrit; their religion, to which they were peculiarly devoted, was the Hinayana form of Buddhism, which ultimately derived from India, but which had practically died out there. Hinduism, which Buddhism had once rivaled in India, had revived there powerfully, and had overtaken Buddhism in the sub-continent. But in neighbouring Burma, Buddhism had no competitors, and flourished mightily. This rendered Burmese culture different from India.

The unnatural union of Burma with India was resented by the Burmese. Their desire for freedom was two-fold, freedom from Britain and freedom from India. This second freedom they won at the time of the great political recasting inaugurated by the Government of India Act of 1935. It was perceived that to continue to enforce the unity of the two countries would impose an unnecessary strain on the problematical machinery of government devised for India. Burma was allowed to settle its own destiny, and the Burmese legislature voted to go its own way. It had a constitution which half met Burma's growing demand for complete freedom. Its Government had the same liberties as a provincial government in India under the Act of 1935. But what in India were to be the federal powers of government were in Burma controlled by the British.

In the days of the union between India and Burma, the British had neglected to build up communications between the two countries. A railway was planned, chiefly for military reasons, but was never made. Its absence was to have a powerful effect on the shape of the fighting now to break out. Shipping interests, powerful with the Government, saw in it a threat to their monopoly of traffic with Rangoon, and successful opposed the scheme.

In the years just before the war, political life developed rapidly. The professional and commercial classes were organized in orthodox political parties, which were willing to pursue their national aims through non-revolutionary means and within the framework of the institutions already conceded. But the desire for independence was greater, perhaps, than it was in India, though it was not taken as seriously. Moreover there were revolutionary parties, notably the Thakins, which meant the party of the 'masters' or 'gentlemen', which were ready to seek any aid, and do anything, which would bring about the end of British rule. These parties, which stirred up political consciousness in Burma, had a growing clientele among students, and among people who had no limiting restrictions placed on their political activity by economic considerations.

Japan found the political situation in Burma more suited to its intervention than in any other country. Moreover Burma, through the existence of the Burma Road, had become a major preoccupation of Japanese strategic plans. Japan had prepared its action in Burma for several years, and more carefully than in most other centers. It had sent there a naval officer who, disguised as a trader, had made the first contact with Burmese politicians. The results were so promising that a Japanese consul was instructed to build up a pro-Japanese network. This however, had brought the Japanese Ministry of Foreign Affairs into the picture. Fearful of angering the British unnecessarily, the Ministry demanded extreme caution.

Progress came, not from persons engaged in this part of the enterprise, but from the coming to Burma of a Japanese Army officer, Colonel Suzuki Keiji, who was a natural genius at all kinds of espionage and subversion. He modeled himself on Lawrence of Arabia. Until 1939 he had had a career as a regular combat officer; it ended with Suzuki under a somewhat mysterious cloud, brought about by an incident in 1939 in the war with China. Thenceforward he was a spy. He chose Burma as his field of activity, and he was as little subjected to control in what he did there as was Doihara, a much more celebrated agent and planner of subversive action in Manchuria and China. Officers like him were give much latitude by Japan. They might create a situation which the Japanese Army would be free, when the time came, to manipulate or to ignore, as circumstances decided.

Disguised as a mild-mannered newspaper reporter for the Yomiuri Shinbun, Suzuki explored Burma for a year and a half, concentrating upon gaining an understanding of its political and ethnic divisions. He decided that the Thakins offered promising material with which to work. He was a curious man; he was genuinely interested in promoting the movements of Asia people to be free; he took seriously the claims of Japanese propaganda that Japan supported all movements for independence; he was regarded with suspicion and as a nuisance by the more orthodox Japanese, who had no intention of conquering large parts of Asia, and simply transferring them to native hands. In Japanese service, he was advancing views and actions which were not at all favoured. He has been described as a rebel by temperament, a conformist by upbringing. His conversation fascinated the Burmese with whom he came into contact. He would tell them to insist on being independent. If, after the Japanese conquered their country, they refused to grant independence, the Burmese ought to shoot back.

Suzuki and his handful of associates set themselves to form the nucleus of a Burmese independent Army, which could be extended as soon as a Japanese Army crossed the borders. He calculated that a Burmese force would prove a valuable auxiliary for bringing about the discomfiture of the British, whether in harrying them politically, in forming a link with the Burmese population, or in straightforward military operations. In 1940 he began to select likely young revolutionaries from the class of political adventures and arranged for thirty of them to be sent over to Formosa for military training in Japanese schools. The thirty Thakins received this education partly in Formosa, partly in Hainan Island; Suzuki had them well grounded, by strict Japanese discipline, in combat tactics, in methods of civilian cooperation with the Japanese Army, and in all ancillary methods. It is clear that he had some difficulty in getting these young men accepted in the various training camps, for he acted as a lone wolf, and had not fully emerged from the disaster which had temporarily blocked his military career. The Thakins, for their part, objected to the strenuous quality of their training, and contemplated desertion. They had actually got control of a small sailing ship with which they proposed to sail for home. On their fate depended much of the modern history of Burma. The accident of who was chosen among the thirty Thakins, the founder members of the Burma Independence Army, governed the course of Burmese politics down to the present day. Because of personality difficulties, the Thakins tended to fall into factional groups, which were reflected for long after, quite irrationally, in Burmese politics.

Suzuki, together with a staff of adventurous Japanese who were looked at rather askance by the Japanese Army, transported this thirty Thakins to join the two divisions of Japanese troops waiting to invade Burma. By a shrewd move to catch the Burmese imagination, he gave each of the Thakins a new name from Burmese folklore, which was peculiarly rich in such things. He devised ceremonial oaths to link them together. And he revived the old Burmese legend that they had discovered ancient charms by Burmese insurrectionists, and had been the sustaining weapon of the peasant leader, Saya San, in a rebellion in 1930, was obstinately believed by the Burmese populace. It was to support the Thakins handsomely. The atmosphere in their camp was that of a boy scout jamboree, the same vague high-mindedness, the same enjoyment in devising ruses, rather the same kind of humor. The Thakins, half in terrified awe of Suzuki, half in na?ve enthusiasm for him, admired the way he genuinely fought for their interests with his orthodox Japanese colleagues.

This Japanese dealing with Burmese politicians was to have interesting consequences as the history of Burma unfolded. But, in the actual conquest, the principal agent was the Japanese Army. This fought the battles, and defeated the British. The British were embarrassed by the Burma Independence Army, but it only contributed marginally to their downfall. They complained of the treachery of the population, the clamour against them by the Pongyis (Burma monks), the betrayal of their movements to the Japanese, and the false Intelligence often given to the Army by the villagers. For all these things, the Burma Independence Army, playing the part of aide to the Japanese, was partly responsible. Their experience permanently soured the British troops, and gave Burma a bad reputation as a country to fight in. Anything to do with Burma was thought to be unlucky, and the country filled the Army with great apprehension.

However, for their rout, the British had to blame the Japanese directly. They had invaded at the start with two divisions with which they overran the south and took Rangoon, the capital. As in Malaya, the British had placed their confidence in the natural obstacles to troop movements the rugged, jungle country of the border. Again it had become axiomatic that tanks could not penetrate this, and again the fact had not been tested. They quickly found out that they had deceived themselves. Unlike Malaya, the country was held by too few troops, badly trained, with a defective Air Force. From the start, the British were too unevenly matched to have any chance of holding the Japanese advance. After Singapore fell, the Japanese were reinforced by another two divisions, which had been campaigning there, and they advanced to the north, pushing back the British before them.

The British accepted the offer of Chiang Kai-shek to send Chinese Army to assist the defence. They did so reluctantly because, through awareness of maps which were being published in Chungking, they had reason to suspect that Chiang had designs on the Burma frontier, and that, once they were in, the Chinese troops would be hard to evict. Japan, however, prevented this danger by driving them back into China. On the borderland some of the Chinese were broken up, and also suffered a great defeat.

By the end of April, the British were expelled from the country. They were pushed right out of Burma. Eventually the greater part of their forces escaped into India, marching out through the trackless jungle land which intervened between Burma and India. Only a part of the far north remained out of Japanese hands. It was inhabited by Chins and Kachins with whom British rule was unfamiliarly popular, being like all British administration of the jungle fringes of their Empire, so light as hardly to be noticed. This territory was held by a body of irregular troops, recruited exploits of this force, the intelligence and devotion of the Chin people, are one of the subjects which has escaped narration.

The same incidents marked the Japanese advance as had happened in Malaya. The civil government collapsed. It showed itself again and again to be extremely incompetent, its officers were lazy, its resolution was contemptible, its planning was certain to be based on faulty information, its complacency was unlimited. Its poor showing did not come altogether as a surprise. Before the war, the British administration in Burma had been notorious for delays and muddle. When it was put to the test, it perished with the same sense of scandal as the administration in Malaya. The machine of government had been allowed to rust, and its levers broke in the hand when pulled. It was unfortunate because the British could not rely upon any machine of popular government to provide a link with the people, or to rouse any enthusiasm on the Government side for the war. Shortly before the start of the war, the Prime Minister of Burma, U Saw, who had been on a visit to London, was detected while returning home in making contacts with the Japanese. He was arrested and interned in the Seychelles, but although U Saw was made harmless, the episode did little good to the British sense of security, and brought little change among the politicians who replaced him. (U Saw, a turbulent figure, was the powerful opposition leader in post-war Burma. He came to world notoriety in 1947, when he organized the assassination of U Aung San and half the Burmese Cabinet. For this he was hanged.)

The growth of the Burma Independence Army took place as Suzuki had foreseen. By the time that they were able to parade in liberated Rangoon, they numbered 5,000 men, and claimed to number 10,000. Their appeal had been great. But their methods of recruitment were deplorable. The Burmese villages, partly because of the peculiarly rapid tendency of the Burmese to resort to violence, had always had a higher proportion of criminal types than was usual in the East. As the Burma Independence Army advanced through the county it proved to be irresistibly attractive to this sort of recruit. An armed force, with licence to rob and pillage, provided the ideal shelter behind which it was possible to hold the whole country ransom. The Army spread a reign of terror behind the Japanese advance. Its original Thakin leaders found that the control of their troops was passing out of their hands. For seventy-five years Burma had experienced deep and unfamiliar peace in its rural life. The exploits of the Burma Independence Army abruptly destroyed this peace, and to Burma's cost, it was to prove impossible to restore peace in this or the next generation.

The population of Burma consisted of a Burmese majority, and many non-Burmese people, organized with different customs and religions. Under the long British peace, these had relaxed their suspicions; the different people had mellowed, and their government had seemed easy. But the exploits of the Burma Independence Army stirred up the feeling of the Burmese that they ought by right to be dominant, and raised a consequent feeling among the minorities of great insecurity. In panic, the minorities organized for self-protection: where a minority possessed the remains of tribal life, its institutions were rapidly brought into play. In no time, civil war was provoked and was spreading, especially between the Burmese and the Karens, the Burmese and the very large Indian minority, and the Burmese and the hill people, the Kachins. As a result, there took place a terrified mass migration to India, and it is estimated that India, in the midst of war, had to receive half a million refugees. For every refugee to cross the Indian frontier, there were several others who starved and died on the way.

The Japanese became aware of the chaos which was being provoked. Having driven out the British from the whole country, except for a comparatively small corner which was inhabited by Chins, they were looked to by the law-abiding part of the population as the only power able to secure basic order in the country. They had been maneuvered by Suzuki into giving countenance to Burmese revolution, but it had served its term, and they had really no sympathy with its explosive purposes. Japan, whatever its propaganda might declare, was never a revolutionary power, and generally was on the side of property and privilege. In the middle of June it applied itself to the problem of providing a Government for the country. It was not willing to proclaim Burma's independence, but established a provisional Government, made up of politicians of the orthodox parties. The Burmese Cabinet could only rule the country through the civil service structure of the British, and this the Japanese sought to preserve. Burmese civil servants were promoted to take the place of British officials.

Stability, however, could not be expected as long as the Burma Independence Army was allowed to roam the country, doing its will by sheer force. The decision was therefore arrived at to suppress the Army. Colonel Suzuki was to return home to Japan. He sought to stay, claiming that as he held a commission for what he had had done from prince Kan'in Kotohiko, who had been Chief of the Imperial General Staff until 1940, his order had therefore come directly from the imperial house, of which Prince Kan'in was a member. Suzuki asserted that this freed him from control by the Japanese Army. It was a variant of an old theme tune played by generations of swashbuckling Japanese military officers, who trumpeted the doctrine of their superior allegiance to the Emperor as a means of sidestepping restraints imposed on them by their military commanders. But Suzuki argued in vain. In place of the Burma Independence Army, a new force was raised, much more regular in its structure, more firmly under the control of the new Government.

This was a natural, merely prudent step of the Japanese Government. It was a decision which any responsible government was bound to take: the Burma Independence Army had stirred up so much feeling that any orderly administration was really impossible so long as it persisted. But the apparent repudiation of Burmese revolutionary nationalism by the Japanese was held by nationalists all over Asia to be difficult to square with Japanese propaganda claims; the more so since the Japanese were at first unwilling to satisfy the Burmese with any talk of independence. In Burma it caused the start of a long-drawn-out quarrel between the Japanese and Burmese nationalism, which was to play a part in the Japanese downfall at the end of the war.

Shan State Tai land

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Kachins: They are found in the northern region where the Shan State borders with the Kachin State. The Kachin breed livestock and grow vegetables, corn and rice in remote mountainous villages.
Dhanu: These people are settled in the lowlands on the western slopes of the Shan Plateau bordering with Burma. The Dhanu work on their paddy fields and vegetable farms.

Intha-s: These people live on the Floating villages and vegetable plots in the largest inland lake called Inlay where silk weaving and local handicrafts have been their home industry for generations.
Lahu: They are found east of the Salween along the mountainous border region between the Shan State and Thailand.
Akha: Akha mostly live in the border areas between the Shan State and Laos.

Kokangnese: Kokangnese are found in the Northeastern Shan State close to the Yunnan Province. They farm, breed livestock and conduct cross border trading with China.
Padaung or Kayan: Padaung settled in the south around Mong Pai Township where farming is their livelihood. Their womenfolk are known as ‘giraffenecks’ because of the brass or silver rings worn round their necks as adornments.
Lisu or Lisaw: Lisu are scattered in the north and southern Shan State remote mountainous regions on large and permanent settlements, because of their accustomed slash and burn farming traditions.

Yang-lam: Yang-lam are found around Ming-su and Kesi-wansam in the central region living on primitive farming.
Liju: Liju are found around Kokang State in the north. They rely on livestock raising and hill-farming.
Chinese and Indian immigrants are found throughout the country and are mostly traders, shopkeepers and money-lenders. Some also live on farming and livestock breeding too.
Burmese or Burmans: Burmese are scattered throughout Shan State as government employees in offices, schools and administrative centers. They also came in to find work as manual laborers and hired hands doing various jobs in towns and in the countryside. Many ethnic groups such as the En, Dhanor, Palay, and others can be found making their living on primitive farms with contentment. All the different national groups have lived harmoniosly together for thousand of years sharing hardships and prosperity in times of peace and war.

RELIGIONS

The Buddhist religion, spread into the Shan society nine years after the Lord Buddha attained His enlightenment (Mong Mao Chronicle) and came to Loi Seng monastery to teach Buddhism among the Shans (Dai/Tai) people. The Loi Seng monastery is still at the same place situated near the Mong Mao district town known to the Chinese as Ruili today. Naturally, Buddhist religion emphasizes respect to the elderly. It became a tradition of the Shans since then. Religious learning, self-training through meditation, reflection on one's deeds and the study and the assessment of the Law of Nature as Buddhism teaches made them acquire wisdom. The younger generation's respect for the elders' wisdom also became a tradition.

The Shan believe in spirits, which can cause good or evil in a person’s life and must be appeased. They also believe in reincarnation and that the good or evil done in one’s life will determine their status and fate in the next life. In order to atone for wrongs done, a person must participate in merit-building activities, such as suffering a punishment of some sort or doing good deeds such as giving to and worshipping the monks. The lowest form of life is to be an animal such as a dog or a cat, and the highest is to retire into a state of passionless peace.
All Shan boys about 12 years old enter the novicehood for a short period of time. Some become monks again later for a longer period of time( about 20 years old to enter the monkshood). They believe that the way to happiness it to renounce the world and carnal desires. They also believe that the physical and the spiritual are closely intertwined.

Languages: The Shan language is part of the Tai languages group of the Tai-Kadai language family, and is related to Thai and Lao. The spoken language are Shan, English and Burmese. Minority ethnic groups have their own languages. Tai with dialects varying for each group.
literature: The Shan have their own alphabet related to ancient Sanskrit. Shan, like Thai, is built on 5 different tones(Chinese Shan have 6). The Shan Phonology Committee including the representatives of the Tai long,Tai Mao, Tai Khamti, and Tai Hkun devised a Common Shan Script in 1974. For precision in writing the various Shan languages, the committee decided to have six tone marks in the Common Shan Script.

CULTURE
The Shan have a rich cultural heritage and are a proud and sophisticated race. They are a gentle and peaceful people. Many of their customs are related to the Chinese and the Thai. They have their own centuries old literature, art, agriculture and history. Tattooing is common among Shan men. The tattoos are often Buddhist connotations or signs, placed there in an effort to ward off evil spirits and protect the person from danger. Tattooing is also considered a sign of manhood in Shan society.
Instead of shaking hands, the Shan usually greet with a "wai", or placing the palms together in front of the face or chest and say “ Mai Soong Kha ”. The one lowest in status should initiate the greeting. How high the palms are placed reflects the status of the person being greeted in relation to the person greeting. In addressing each other, the Shan use titles (such as "Pa: grandmother", "Loong: uncle", “Pi: elder”, "Nawng ying: little sister", etc.) to express the person’s status or relationship to others. It is not acceptable to show affection between the sexes in public.The Shan are traditionally wet-rice cultivators, shopkeepers, and artisans. Most Shan are Theravada Buddhists and/or observe their traditional religion, which is related to animist practices.

Shan state Moung Tai

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CLIMATE
The Shan plateau located in the northeastern part of Burma is generally cooler than the rest of Burma and Thailand, since it is mountainous and higher in elevation. There is a cool, dry season from November to February, and a hot season or summer from February to May, a hot,rainy season from June to October.

One town can reach over 100F while just a few hours drive away 77F is normal. Coldness in winter brings the temperature down to 40F in hill-station towns and 60F on the plains. Annual rainfall averages between 40-60 inches. Flash flood of rivers and streams occur during the rainy season causing landslides and floods in the lowlands.

VEGETATION
In the areas where the elevation is over 4,000 feet, pine and evergreen forest can be found in abundance; teak and woods of ‘Shorea Robusta’ and ‘diptercarpus grandiflora’ abound in the hot lowlands. Valuable woods such as teak, padauk or pterocarpus, sandalwood and ironwood cover over 42,210 square miles. Mong Mit, Hsipaw, Mong Kung, Tong Lao, Mawk-mai, Lawk-sawk, Mong-nai, Keng-tawng, Keng-kham, Pa-lai, Mong-ton, Mong-sat are all hardwood and teak producing areas. All kinds of vegetables and fruits are grown according to each region’s soil and climatic conditions. Many forest products such as lac, cutch, honey, beewax and wild orchids can be found.

NATURAL RESOURCES

Shan State is rich in natural resources.The majority land surface of the Shan State is covered with primitive hard rocks and mineral ores such as silver, lead, gold, copper, iron, tin, wolfram, tungsten and manganese, have been discovered. The Burmese government is exploiting mineral developments.For example, Bawdwin-Namtu silver and lead deposit in the north is one of the largest in the world. Local Chinese traders discovered it in the 14th century. In 1909 the British started to take over under the name of "Burma Corporation Limited." After the Union of Burma was established, it was registered as a joint venture with the Burmese government under the name "Burma Corporation Limited 1951". In 1965 the Burmese government nationalized the whole enterprise. The newly discovered silver, nickel and tungsten deposits are found in the Naungkieo township area called Yadana Theingi Mine, where produces silver and lead sent to Namtu to be refined.

The Bawsai Mines in the south produces lead and pyrites. In the surrounding hills of the southern town of Kalaw, dolomite, pyrites, Fluorides can be found in abundance. At Loi Ma, near another southern town of Hpe-Khoung, lead deposits remain undeveloped. Besides these known deposits the geological survey discovered in 1963, there also is tin and wolfram deposits at Pangpek near the Shan State capital of Taunggyi, estimated at over 63 million tons. Diamond is found in the environs of Mong mit and gems in Namhkan Township.
Many undiscovered or unexplored natural resources in the Shan State still remain hidden to be used later for the development of the Shan State and its people. Mogok (Mong Kut in Shan) which is world famous for its rubies and sapphires lies within the State of Mong Mit in the north but has been nationalized and drawn into the Mandalay Division of Burma.

PEOPLE
Ethnic groups: It is composed of more than 20 ethnic national groups in Shan state. the majority of whom are Shan (Tai). It is a multiethnic nation and the main ethnic groups are: Shan (Tai), Palawng, Pa-O, Kachin, Wa, Lahu, Akha and Kokang Chinese.
Shan or Tai (Thai Yai in Thai): 68% of the total population are Shan and therefore Shan are the dominant ethnic group. Most Shan are farmers and livestock breeders who predominantly live in the valleys and lowlands.
Palawng or Ta-arng: About 7% of the total population are the Palaungs who call themselves “Ta-arng”. They are concentrated in the northern mountainous region of Namhsan or Palaung Tawngpeng State. They are mostly dependent upon tea plantations producing English tea and pickled tea (Chinese tea) for consumers throughout the Union. Due to socio-political upheavals, some of them migrated into the central and southern mountains of the Shan State using their Knowledge about tea planting for their livelihood.

Pa-o: The Pa-o ethnic group is also about 7% and are found in the Southern part of the Shan State. The Pa-o grow agricultural cash crops such as potatoes, cabbages, garlic and especially the cheroot-leaves for local and Burmese cheroot industries.
Wa: About 5% of the population are the Wa people. They inhabit the eastern mountains along the Salween and the areas bordering China. The Wa make their living on the harsh mountain slopes and valleys using the old slash and burn methods.

Shanstate

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LOCATION

The Shan States is situated in the north-eastern part of Burma, bordering the People's Republic of China on the North and East, the Lao People's Democratic Republic on the East, the Kingdom of Thailand on South and East, the Karenni state on the South and the Union of Burma (Myanmar) on the west. It is positioned at Latitude North 19 degrees 20 minutes and South 24 degrees 9 minutes and between Longitude East 96 degrees 13 minutes and West 101 degrees 9 minutes.

THE LAND

The Shan State is a high plateau with an elevation of 5,000-6,000 feet above sea level. It is covered with dense evergreen forests, pine, streams, rivers and waterfalls making the country a natural and beautiful land. It lies at an average of 3,000 to 4,000 feet above sea level and the highest point is Mount Loilaeng (8,777 ft ) in Mong Yai, Loi Parng Nao (8,408 ft ) in Kentung, Loi tzang (8,129 ft) in Mong Kung township.

The Salween ( Nam Khong in Shan) River is the principal river of the Shan State. It has its source in the Tibetan Himalayas and flows southwards through China and enters the Shan State, dividing it into two parts, then passes the Karenni state, Karen State and Mon State finally joining the Indian Ocean at the Gulf of Martaban near the town of Moulmein. Many tributaries of the Salween, such as the Nam Taeng, Nam Parng and Nam Nim all enter the Salween near the Town of Kun Hing (Kun Haeng: thousand islets) where many islets by the hundreds are formed. In the east there are the Nam Ma, Nam Kha and Nam Sim which flow into the Salween. The Mekong ( Nam Khawng in Shan) serves as the boundary between Laos and the Shan State for a length of 120 miles, then flows through Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam into the Gulf of Thailand.

Nam Loei and Nam Kok, which flows through Kengtung, all join the Mekong. Nam Mao (Shweli in Burnese) and the Nam Tu in the north flow into the Irrawaddy. The Nam Zawgyi, Nam Tamphat and Nam Bilu in the south are all famous by their capacities as natural waterways. Because these rivers flow through deep valleys of mountain ranges, many rapids and waterfalls can be found throughout the Shan State. Joung-ang, the biggest waterfall on the Nam Taeng can be found near the town of Keng Tawng in Mong Nai Twnship.

The second largest one is Om-pu on the Nam Parng River in the Shan State of Monghsu. Among Shan State's numerous waterfalls, the only one so far used for hydroelectric power is the Marnsarm Falls on the Nam Yao River in Hsipaw Twnship. Marnsarm Falls generates enough power for the surrounding towns and the Bawdwin Mines at Panghai, Namtu Township. Waterfalls large and small can be found on most of the rivers.

The inland lake of Inlay (Nong Hai Ya in Shan)14 miles long and 7 miles wide, is noted for the floating villages and floating vegetable gardens, silk-weaving and fantastic leg-rowers. Hot and cold underground springs are countless and some have been developed as rest and recreation places. Primitive hard rocks that contain numerous kinds of mineral ores waiting for discovery and development form the Shan Plateau and its southern continuation into the Tenasserim.

Map references: Southeast Asia
Capital: Taunggyi (Tonti in Shan)

NATIONAL SYMBOL
The Shan symbol is a tiger. The Shan flag consists of yellow, green and red stripes with a white circle in the middle. Yellow stands for Buddhism and that the Shan are origin of the yellow race(The Mongoloid peoples). Green symbolizes the verdant landscape, a warm climate and farming. Red symbolizes the Shan's courage. The white disk is for the moon, the Shan’s pure and peaceful spirit. It is forbidden to use this flag in Burma and Thailand.

SHAN STATE

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The Shan who call themselves the Tai are found primarily the Shan State of Burma. The Burmese word "Shan" (referring to the Tai) is variously spelled Syam, Syaam, and Syan in the inscriptions of the Pagan period (1044-1334) and in old Burmese texts. In modern Burma the Tai people are called Shan, as are various other branches of the Tai people of Shan state in Burma.

The Shan are a branch of the Tai race. Historical accounts maintain that Upper Burma was the place of the Pyu and the Shan before the establishment of the Pagan kingdom by Anawratha (1044-1077). In Yunnan the Mao kingdom of the Shan existed until it was subdued by the Ming court. From that base they often sent forays into Upper Burma and Assam. Later they had Shan colonies in some parts of southern and northern Shan state, Kachin state, and Sagaing Division in Upper Burma, and all these colonies were under the suzerainty of a Mao chief. Eventually the Shans also controlled almost all Upper Burma. This Shan period of Burmese history lasted from about 1300 until 1540. The Shan of Yunnan, however, were subdued by the Chinese after three successive wars (1441-1448). The final destruction of Shan power in Yunnan occurred in 1604 when the Chinese troops swooped down on Mongmao. After the collapse of the Mao kingdom in Yunnan, the power of the Shan in Burma also weakened and the group finally disintegrated into many small Shan principalities. The development of the Shan in Burma depended much upon the political history of Burma which eventually divided the Shan into such groups as:

a. the Khamti Shan (the Tai in the Khamti region of Sagaing division in Upper Burma) b. the Mao Shan (the Tai in the Mao River valley in northern Shan state) c. the Tai Leng (the Red Tai in Kachin state) d. the Gum Shan (the Tai Hkun in the Kengtung district of eastern Shan state)
The Shan (Tai) are spread throughout Burma, in Shan state, Kachin state, and Sagaing division. The states and divisions in Burma were fixed during the British administration period (1885-1948). In the time of the Burmese kings, the Shan (Tai) areas were named "Saint Taing," "Kambawza Taing," "Haripunza Taing," "Khemawara Taing," etc. In the British administration period (1885-1948), Burma was reorganized into states, divisions, and hill tracts. The present Shan state was formed during the British period, becoming the "Federated Shan States" in 1922. The rest of the Shan areas in Burma were put into Sagaing division, Myitkyina, Bhamo, and Putao districts. The geographical barriers, difficulties in communication, and the system of administration since the times of the Burmese kings separated the Shan from each other, resulting in each group developing its own way of culture and tradition. Thus, those Shan who settled in the Khamti region are called Khamti Shan , those in the Mao River valley are Mao Shan , and those in eastern Shan state are the Hkuns .
SubgroupsTai Nue (Northern or Chinese Shan), Tai Lam (Black Shan of Laos, China), Tai Sa (Chinese Shan), Tai Mao (live along China/Shan State border), Tai Khun(eastern Shan state ) , Tai Sipson Panna (Yunnan, China), Tai Kham Ti (Sakaing Division, Kachin State), Tai Lue (Lanna, Thailand,China), Tai Long (Thailand, Central Shan State), Tai Leng (Kachin, Shan State border), Tai Loi (Mountain Shan/Hill Shan), Tai Lai. All Shans consider themselves "Shan" and not as members of the different subgroups.

Sources: The History and Development of The Shan Script, Sai Kam Mong

Geographical Features:

LOCATION
The Shan States is situated in the north-eastern part of Burma, bordering the People's Republic of China on the North and East, the Lao People's Democratic Republic on the East, the Kingdom of Thailand on South and East, the Karenni state on the South and the Union of Burma (Myanmar) on the west. It is positioned at Latitude North 19 degrees 20 minutes and South 24 degrees 9 minutes and between Longitude East 96 degrees 13 minutes and West 101 degrees 9 minutes.
THE LAND
The Shan State is a high plateau with an elevation of 5,000-6,000 feet above sea level. It is covered with dense evergreen forests, pine, streams, rivers and waterfalls making the country a natural and beautiful land. It lies at an average of 3,000 to 4,000 feet above sea level and the highest point is Mount Loilaeng (8,777 ft ) in Mong Yai, Loi Parng Nao (8,408 ft ) in Kentung, Loi tzang (8,129 ft) in Mong Kung township.

The Salween ( Nam Khong in Shan) River is the principal river of the Shan State. It has its source in the Tibetan Himalayas and flows southwards through China and enters the Shan State, dividing it into two parts, then passes the Karenni state, Karen State and Mon State finally joining the Indian Ocean at the Gulf of Martaban near the town of Moulmein. Many tributaries of the Salween, such as the Nam Taeng, Nam Parng and Nam Nim all enter the Salween near the Town of Kun Hing (Kun Haeng: thousand islets) where many islets by the hundreds are formed. In the east there are the Nam Ma, Nam Kha and Nam Sim which flow into the Salween. The Mekong ( Nam Khawng in Shan) serves as the boundary between Laos and the Shan State for a length of 120 miles, then flows through Thailand, Cambodia and Vietnam into the Gulf of Thailand.